Voting behavior in the South Korean presidential election – exploring the regional voting pattern

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 268-281
Author(s):  
Tae Wan Kim
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Correlation Coefficients ◽  
Constant Level ◽  
Local Identity ◽  
Content Type ◽  
South Korean

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine regional voting patterns in South Korea using the results from six presidential elections since the 1990s. Design/methodology/approach A χ2 test was used to determine the municipalities where a regional voting pattern emerged, and λ correlation coefficients were calculated to examine changes in the regional voting patterns. Findings The analyses lead to three key findings. First, voting patterns differ in Yeongnam and Honam: regional voting in Yeongnam is getting weaker, it remains strong in Honam. Second, the tendency to vote along regional lines decreased significantly in the election in which the Honam party fielded a candidate with a Yeongnam appeared identity. Third, regional voting patterns declined but then stabilized at a constant level, regardless of the candidates’ local identity, which was confirmed in “Bu-Ul-Gyeong.” Originality/value This paper can empirically verify the manifestation of regional voting pattern and confirm the trend. It is possible to derive a condition for suppressing the regional voting pattern.

The Impact of Candidates’ Negative Traits on Vote Choice in New Democracies: A Test Based on Presidential Elections in South Korea

2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-228
Author(s):  
HeeMin Kim ◽  
Jungho Roh
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Personal Traits ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Western Democracies

The impact of candidates’ negative traits (CNTs) on voting behavior has received significant attention in election studies in recent decades. However, scholarly efforts have focused primarily on elections in advanced Western democracies, largely overlooking the relationship between candidates’ personal traits and the electorate’s voting behaviors in the context of new democracies. In this study, we fill this gap by investigating the impact of CNTs on the electorate’s vote choices in South Korean presidential elections. Our study of CNTs in South Korea shows that CNTs have statistically significant effects on the electorate’s vote choices. Our findings are particularly relevant because many new democracies are implementing fair and free elections, and the elites under previous authoritarian regimes are running in these elections.

scholarly journals 'A Generational Earthquake'?: An Analysis of the 2002 Presidential Election in South Korea

2005 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 23-39
Author(s):  
Carl J. Saxer
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Present Article ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
National Elections ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Previous Election ◽  
Predominant Factor

The 2002 presidential election in South Korea was seen by some commentators as a 'generational earthquake'. It was argued that younger voters, defi ned as those belonging to the 20–30 age groups, had become more mobilized and active than in any previous election, and that consequently the persistent regionalism that had characterized South Korean national elections for so long was fi nally at an end. It was also claimed that the 2002 election marked a repositioning of ideology and policy preferences at centre stage. The present article, however, argues that while ideology and policy preferences did indeed assume greater importance, and while generational issues also came to the fore, yet the predominant factor in the 2002 election remained – as in previous presidential elections in South Korea – a persistent, almost static, regional voting pattern.

Janus face: the imperial but fragile presidency in South Korea

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 426-437
Author(s):  
Jin Seok Bae ◽  
Sunkyoung Park
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Constitutional Design ◽  
Content Type ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Imperial Power ◽  
Imperial Governance ◽  
Two Sides

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the paradoxical pattern in which South Korean presidents enjoy imperial power early in their term, but became fragile and impotent as their term comes to an end. Design/methodology/approach Based on the previous literature on Korean presidentialism, this paper introduces and critically compares several competing theories on the Korean presidency and its defects. Findings This paper finds that for Korean presidents, imperial governance and fragility represent two sides of the same coin, like a Janus face. These two seemingly competing descriptions of the Korean presidency are not actually contradictory. Originality/value This paper investigates how Korean presidents are imperial with regard to constitutional design as well as political behavior, and presents a logic of transformation from an imperial president to a fragile one, focusing on party politics and election cycles.

The behaviour of US investors during presidential elections

2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Colón De Armas ◽  
Javier Rodriguez ◽  
Herminio Romero
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Investment Decisions ◽  
Exchange Traded Funds ◽  
Trading Activity ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Democratic Candidate ◽  
Republican Candidate ◽  
Trading Behaviour

PurposeThis study examines the influence of the presidential elections on the behaviour of US investors according to the trading activity of two of the most popular investment vehicles: exchange-traded funds and close-ended funds.Design/methodology/approachBased on the fact that investors in these two investment vehicles differ by, at least, two demographic factors that influence investment decisions, age and labour status, inferences are made about the degree of interest and the amount of trading activity that presidential elections provoke.FindingsThe evidence demonstrates that, during the last four US presidential elections, exchange-traded funds' investors trade significantly more than close-ended funds' investors during several event windows centred on the day of an election in which a republican candidate is elected. Close-ended funds' investors are more active during the election of a democratic candidate, although the statistical evidence in that regard is weak. Thus, it appears reasonable to conclude that younger investors who are gainfully employed are induced to trade by a presidential election in which a republican candidate prevails. Apparently, a democratic victory does not provoke the same behaviour.Originality/valueAlthough the relation between politics and economics is not an unexplored topic, it is not clear whether the presidential elections themselves constitute an event that triggers the trading behaviour of investors.

Learning from Singapore’s effective anti-corruption strategy

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon S.T. Quah
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Public Outreach ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Content Type ◽  
South Korean ◽  
The Law ◽  
Contextual Differences ◽  
Operational Autonomy

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain why Singapore has succeeded in curbing corruption and to recommend three measures for enhancing South Korea’s anti-corruption strategy. Design/methodology/approach The paper compares the contextual differences between Singapore and South Korea before analysing Singapore’s effective anti-corruption strategy and identifying the weaknesses of South Korea’s anti-corruption strategy. Findings Singapore’s success in minimising corruption is the result of its government’s strong political will and the adequate budget, personnel and operational autonomy given to the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau to enable it to enforce the anti-corruption laws impartially. To improve South Korea’s anti-corruption strategy, the Korea Anti-Corruption Agency should be established and adequately staffed and funded to investigate corruption cases. Those found guilty of corruption offences should be punished according to the law, without suspending their jail sentences or being pardoned by the president. Finally, the existing public outreach anti-corruption programmes should be evaluated to identify their weaknesses and improve their effectiveness. Originality/value This paper recommends three measures for South Korean policy-makers to improve their anti-corruption strategy by learning from Singapore’s success.

Social Media and Regionalism in South Korean Voting Behavior: The Case of the 19th South Korean Presidential Election

2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (03) ◽  
pp. 1840006
Author(s):  
JAE MOOK LEE ◽  
YOUNGDEUK PARK ◽  
GI DONG KIM
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Media Use ◽  
Social Media Use ◽  
Bonding Social Capital ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Independent Effects

This study examines the moderating effects of social media use on regionalist voting behavior in South Korea. Analyzing the survey data conducted during the 2017 Korean presidential election, we test how social media functions in electoral processes, particularly with respect to region-based voting in the Korean electorate. The findings of this study reveal that social media use affects region-based voting behavior among the Korean electorate by connecting people with different regional backgrounds in online political communication. That is, social media use can create “bridging” social capital rather than “bonding” social capital in society. In this respect, results differ significantly from findings in the 2012 presidential election. In 2012, only the independent effects of social media existed with a liberal bias, without revealing interaction with regional dummies. These independent effects disappeared in 2017, and different kinds of social media were statistically significant only when they functioned as moderating variables for regional dummies. This implies that as the functions of social media in the Korean election process have evolved in more complexity, they now are able to affect progressive as well as conservative voters.

Comparison of visual (MUNSELL) and instrumental measures (CIELAB) of coloured textile standard samples

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 340-354
Author(s):  
Asim Kumar Roy Choudhury ◽  
Biswajit Naskar
Keyword(s):  
Correlation Coefficient ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Correlation Coefficients ◽  
Standard Samples ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Psychophysical Data ◽  
Physical Data ◽  
Hue Angle ◽  
Munsell Scale

Purpose This paper aims to compare visual (Munsell) and instrumental (CIELAB) attributes of SCOTDIC colour standards. Design/methodology/approach SCOTDIC cotton and polyester standards of defined hue, value and chroma were subjected to spectrophotometric assessment for finding the corresponding instrumental parameters. The visual and instrumental parameters were compared. Findings The correlation between SCOTDIC value and CIELAB lightness is quite high. Correlation coefficient between SCOTDIC hue and CIELAB hue angle and the correlation between SCOTDIC chroma and CIELAB chroma were only moderate because the CIELAB chroma varied widely at higher chroma. When the standards of SCOTDIC hues having erratic hue angles at two extremes are excluded, the Correlation coefficients between SCOTDIC hue and CIELAB hue angle become high. Research limitations/implications The psychophysical data (visual) are difficult to match with physical data (instrumental). Originality/value The object of the present research is to study and compare visual (Munsell) and instrumental (CIELAB) colorimetric parameters. Munsell scale is physically exemplified by SCOTDIC fabric samples available in two sets, namely, cotton and polyester sets.

Finding beneficiaries: trade adjustment assistance system in South Korea

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joon-heon Song
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Trade Adjustment Assistance ◽  
Content Type ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Policy Failure ◽  
Short Period ◽  
Trade Adjustment ◽  
The Government

Purpose The purpose of this study is to explore the essential cause for the policy failure of Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) in South Korea. Design/methodology/approach To substantiate the claims made for the failure of the policy, this paper focuses on the differences in policy preferences among the government ministries and agencies involved in TAA. Findings The failure in the TAA policy, according to this study, was attributed to the conflicts and miscoordination arising from the differences in policy preferences among government ministries and agencies. To rectify this failure, the South Korean government had to revise its laws and regulations several times over a short period. Originality/value Drawing on the analytical framework of the literature on policy failure, this paper examines the causal relationships between outcomes of TAA policy and the conflicts or miscoordination among government bodies at each stage: initiatives and planning, implementation and operation of the policy.

International perspectives on English teaching

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terry Locke
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Educational Research ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Teaching Practice ◽  
Content Type ◽  
English Teaching ◽  
International Perspectives ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The University

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to offer a personalised overview of the content of English Teaching: Practice and Critique for the years it was hosted at the Wilf Malcolm Institute for Educational Research (WMIER) at the University of Waikato (2002-2014). Design/methodology/approach – It notes trends in relationship to the context of origin of 335 articles published in this period (excluding editorials), including significant increases in articles originating in the USA and Pacific Rim Asian nations, particularly South Korea and Taiwan. It comments on articles that relate to the original vision of the editors’ founders, especially their emphasis on practice, criticality and social justice. Findings – Prevailing themes across 13 years are mapped and in some cases discussed. Originality/value – A number of reflections are shared in relation to the future of the journal and some challenges currently facing subject English.

scholarly journals PREDICTION FOR THE 2012 UNITED STATES PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION USING MULTIPLE REGRESSION MODEL

2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-97
Author(s):  
Pankaj Sinha ◽  
Aastha Sharma Aastha Sharma ◽  
Harsh Vardhan Singh
Keyword(s):  
Regression Model ◽  
Unemployment Rate ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Multiple Regression Model ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Gdp Growth Rate ◽  
Proposed Model ◽  
Midterm Elections

This paper investigates the factors responsible for predicting 2012 U.S. Presidential election. Though contemporary discussions on Presidential election mention that unemployment rate will be a deciding factor in this election, it is found that unemployment rate is not significant for predicting the forthcoming Presidential election. Except GDP growth rate, various other economic factors like interest rate, inflation, public debt, change in oil and gold prices, budget deficit/surplus and exchange rate are also not significant for predicting the U.S. Presidential election outcome. Lewis-Beck and Rice (1982) proposed Gallup rating, obtained in June of the election year, as a significant indicator for forecasting the Presidential election. However, the present study finds that even though there exists a relationship between June Gallup rating and incumbent vote share in the Presidential election, the Gallup rating cannot be used as the sole indicator of the Presidential elections. Various other non-economic factors like scandals linked to the incumbent President and the performance of the two parties in the midterm elections are found to be significant. We study the influence of the above economic and non-economic variables on voting behavior in U.S. Presidential elections and develop a suitable regression model for predicting the 2012 U.S. Presidential election. The emergence of new non-economic factors reflects the changing dynamics of U.S. Presidential election outcomes. The proposed model forecasts that the Democrat candidate Mr. Barack Obama is likely to get a vote percentage between 51.818 % - 54.239 %, with 95% confidence interval.

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