Czech pre-2009 growth rate may return

Subject Leaders and laggards among CE economies. Significance Economic growth remained solid in the Czech Republic and Poland in the first half of 2015. Czech GDP grew by 4.4% annually in April-June, well above expectations and the EU average; in Poland, the economy slowed marginally in the second quarter compared to the first. In Hungary, industrial production data for July underline the slowdown in GDP in the second quarter. Nevertheless, domestic demand has recovered across the Central European (CE) region, following the 2008-09 crisis setback; net exports' contribution to headline growth is far smaller than in recent years. Impacts Drops in external demand in the EU and Asia, and in industrial performance, pose the most significant downside risks. After a disappointing 2015, Poland and Hungary should bounce back in 2016, supported by rising employment as slack in the economy recedes. As the risk of deflation subsides, the Czech Republic is expected to post the strongest rates of growth across the region in 2016-17.

Significance Poland is looking to forge closer ties with Washington to establish its leadership in CEE, counterbalance Franco-German dominance of the EU and present a united front against Russia. Other CEE countries are looking elsewhere for allies, as Russian President Vladimir Putin's upcoming visit to Hungary demonstrates. Impacts Germany and Austria will move to maintain influence in CEE, probably through partnering with the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Russia will work to avoid any threat to its natural gas monopoly in CEE, with Bulgaria and Hungary its levers of influence. Trump will point to gas and arms exports to Poland as a US foreign policy success, though US hawks will remain sceptical about Russia.


2010 ◽  
Vol 56 (No. 4) ◽  
pp. 163-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Svatoš ◽  
L. Smutka

This paper analyses the development of agricultural foreign trade in Austria, Hungary and the Czech Republic with the aim of uncovering the changes that have impacted the Central European agricultural trade over the ten year period (1999–2008). It issues from the results of the analysis of agricultural trade in the aforementioned countries, which has changed dramatically in terms of the commodity structure, the territorial structure and primarily the value structure. The main changes to have caused most of the changes to the individual characteristics of agricultural foreign trade in the particular countries under analysis are the process of the EU enlargementy, the adoption of obligations to ensue from the EU membership and the concentration in the internal market of the EU countries. We can see the actual changes in the commodity and territorial structure of the trade carried out in the individual countries under analysis. The changes which have occurred resulted in a dominant share of the member countries of the EU 27 in the agricultural trade of the individual countries under analysis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (56) ◽  
pp. 255-279
Author(s):  
Zbyněk Dubský ◽  
Kateřina Kočí

The original purpose of the Visegrad Group (VG or V4 – which includes Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia) was primarily to support its member states’ accession to the EU and NATO, which it successfully achieved. However, the views on the current cooperation of four Central European countries differ. Some researchers believe that the V4 has transformed since 2004 into a viable project which has become even an inspirational model of cooperation for other regional groupings. According to them, and contrary to doubts about the continuation of the V4 project, membership of the EU has given the V4 a new impulse, and its agenda has been expanded into new areas of cooperation which included EU affairs. Therefore, the V4 operates now as a distinct regional grouping within the EU (i.e. positive input regarding their commitment in several Council presidencies). Others, however, suggest that V4 cooperation seems to be labelled as a defensive project, a coalition within the EU, which is against something (recently the prominent topics have revolved around migration issues) and that it could lead to the marginalisation of the group and thus reduce its importance at the EU level. While discussing the future role of the V4, the article will focus on the Czech Republic, and its potential to promote its interests within the framework of the V4, especially in the context of its current presidency (from 1 July 2019 to 30 June 2020).


Significance This is despite a spike in core inflation. The three central banks of Central Europe (CE) are on a loosening cycle, responding aggressively to the COVID-19-induced collapse in growth while expecting the contraction to bring down core inflation rates later this year. Impacts PMI surveys for Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic show persistent expectations of contraction. The Commission expects Czech GDP to contract this year by 7.75%, the pandemic disrupting foreign demand for export-oriented manufacturing. Hungarian GDP is to shrink by 7% with labour market deterioration curbing household consumption and falling exports hurting the auto sector. Contraction in Poland’s resilient and diversified economy by just 4.5% in 2020 is forecast to be the least-bad in the EU. Hungary’s mixed record in handling of the crisis could put the ruling Fidesz party’s position at risk.


2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (No. 3) ◽  
pp. 113-119
Author(s):  
V. Vojtěch

This paper discusses the potential effects of the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) on the various branches of the agricultural sector in the four OECD member Central European Countries (CECs), i.e. the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and the Slovak Republic. The estimation of the effect of the domestic sectoral policies harmonisation with the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and its impact on the farming sector, consumers of agricultural commodities and taxpayers, is based on the data from the OECD quantitative analysis of support to agriculture.


Author(s):  
James W. Peterson

Czech foreign policy in the post-Cold War period bears three significant imprints. First, a country that had been torn by conflicting loyalties solved that dilemma by firmly positioning itself in the orbit of the West. Second, NATO and the EU became the organizational anchors of that western orbit. Third, fresh images of the possibility of choice and control over history replaced past national images of submission to dependence and fate. Thus, new loyalties, organizations, and images interacted to create a different foreign policy chemistry. That chemistry could enable the Czech Republic to move from its protected Central European base to a purposeful international role in a proactive way.


Author(s):  
Nahanga Verter ◽  
Lea Hasíková

Grape is a major agrarian input for winemaking in the Czech Republic (Czechia). This contribution assesses the performance of grape production in Czechia. The country’s performance is compared with Slovakia and some major producing countries in the world. Using the OLS approach, the results show that area harvested, yields, farm gate price and wine export have a positive relationship with grape production in Czechia. The descriptive approach shows Czechia as a net importer of wine. Also, grape yields in Czechia and Slovakia have been below the EU and global averages. These two countries’ wine exports have been concentrated in few markets within the EU single market. There is a need for grape farmers in the countries to find ways to improve yield per hectare. Similarly, export promotion should be encouraged and diversified beyond the EU markets to reduce external demand volatility or shocks. Arguably, this measure may accelerate foreign earnings from grape and wine related export products in the country.


2002 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-122
Author(s):  
F. Festoc-Louis

In 1998, the European Union (EU) entered into negotiations with Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia concerning the enlargement of the Union. At the end of 1999, the European Commission decided that six other countries could join the negotiations in 2000 (Bulgaria, Lithuania, Latvia, Slovakia, Malta and Romania), and it was suggested that a decision concerning the date of membership would be taken in 2002 for these applicants fulfilling all the criteria. Many questions still remain on both sides, in particular regarding institutional reform of the EU (Festoc, 1998), and the ability of the Central and Eastern European countries to adopt the “acquis”. In this article, we shall evaluate the ways in which the Central European countries (Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic — the CECs) have already integrated to the Western European economy, using trade data over the last ten years. First, we show that since the beginning of the transition, a feature of the foreign trade of the CECs has been a strong reorientation from East to West, in particular to Germany, together with a rapid growth in trade between the EU and the CECs. Second, we describe the trade structure, focussed on foreign direct investment as a mean of developing new exports. The third and fourth sections study the development of the specialisations of the CECs and the nature of trade between the CECs and the EU respectively.


Significance The political impact of the European Parliament (EP) election is yet to be felt in most of Central Europe (CE), but in Poland, Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki has responded to his party’s better-than-expected result with a cabinet reshuffle. Well-entrenched governments in Poland and Hungary have reaffirmed their domestic dominance, but in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, the results revealed political and fiscal weaknesses. Impacts Right-wing governments in Hungary and Poland will look to build on the political momentum gained domestically from the EP elections. The Czech Republic may experience more political and fiscal instability in the near term. Tensions with the Commission are unlikely to abate soon, despite CE’s greater economic and political integration with the rest of the EU.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Plaček ◽  
David Špaček ◽  
František Ochrana

PurposeThis paper discusses the role of public leadership and the strategic response of local governments to the external shock caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors examine the typical Czech response with regard to how the leadership of municipalities in the Czech Republic responded to this extremely negative external stimulus.Design/methodology/approachThe authors use qualitative research methods for this investigation. They have chosen the case study method (see Yin, 2009; Stake, 1995; Klonoski, 2013). The general case is the Czech Republic. Mini-cases consist of municipalities from the Znojmo region, municipalities of the Central Bohemian region and the municipal districts in the capital city of Prague. Furthermore, the method of participant observation was used.FindingsThe authors’ analysis of the problem of local government responses to the pandemic crisis shows that municipal leaders responded with a variety of (non-)adaptation strategies. It appears that certain framework factors influenced the various local governments' behavior.Originality/valueThe article examines the strategic behavior of Czech municipal leaders regarding the pandemic crisis based on the observation of the reactions of local governments in the Czech Republic to the pandemic crisis and strives to define their basic strategies.


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