The Decline of Barriers to Immigrant Economic and Political Rights in the American States: 1977–2001

2003 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis F. B. Plascencia ◽  
Gary P. Freeman ◽  
Mark Setzler
Keyword(s):  
Federal Court ◽  
Political Community ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Immigrant Settlement ◽  
Resident Aliens ◽  
Attorneys General ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
Advisory Opinions ◽  
State Legislative

State governments exercise significant powers to regulate the economic and social activities of resident aliens. We review the laws of the six leading states of immigrant settlement regulating access of noncitizens to 23 occupations, updating existing studies from 1946–77. Citizenship requirements for these occupations have plummeted, a change we attribute to federal court decisions, advisory opinions of state attorneys general, and state legislative and administrative action. There are numerous additional citizenship requirements in the statutes of the six states, although these appear to be poorly enforced. The authority of states to regulate their political communities is the most important remaining constitutionally valid basis of citizenship requirements. States define their political community broadly, leading to questionable exclusions of noncitizens from important activities.

Community Building within a Festival Frame: Working-Class Celebrations in Germany, 1918–1933

2005 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 262-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
MATTHIAS WARSTAT
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Community Building ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Modern Politics ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Cultural Performances ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Theatrical Strategies

The concept of festival can help to understand the framework within which political community building took place in Germany in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century and the methods employed in doing so. Political communities were established within different kinds of cultural performances such as gatherings, demonstrations, party conventions, and – most frequently – political celebrations, which obtained a festival-like structure. Referring to examples from the labour movement, this article examines different techniques of creating communities and discusses the impact of theatrical strategies and certain types of theatre in this crucial field of modern politics.

scholarly journals Aniversarios con luces y sombras: Constitución española, integración europea y ‘defectos estructurales’ de la UE // Anniversaries with Mixed Feelings: the Spanish Constitution, European Integration, and the «Genetic Defects» of the EU (1957-2017 and 1978-2018).

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 1139
Author(s):  
Antonio Carlos Pereira Menaut
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Democratic Deficit ◽  
Constitutional Rule ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
Mixed Feelings ◽  
Structural Failures ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

Resumen:En conjunto puede decirse que tanto la UE como la Constitución española de 1978 han sido grandes éxitos que ahora celebran sus aniversarios, pero ambas tienen problemas que deben ser resueltos. En el caso de la UE, parece haber un puñado de defectos estructurales difíciles de eliminar y que dificultan mucho solucionar el déficit democrático y la plena constitucionalización de la Unión. Los mismos defectos estructurales plantean la cuestión de hasta dónde puede llegar la integración europea, manteniendo, al mismo tiempo, la integridad constitucional española, o al menos no amenazándola. Nos inclinamos por abandonar el método funcionalista, pasar a un tipo de gobierno plenamente político y constitucional, y encaminarnos hacia un federalismo pluralista, más bien dual y del tipo del americano.Summary:I. By way of an introduction. II. Some points to start with. III. On federalism, once again. IV. Has european constitutionalism some structural failures? A. Constitutionalism and the functionalist method. B. The impact of the insufficient EU democracy on Spanish constitutionalism. C. Is the EU a pluralistic, multilevel political community composed of smaller, yet real, political communities? D. Globalisation, European constitutionalism, and Spanish constitutionalism. V. How much European integration is the Spanish constitution apt to admit of?Abstract:On the whole, one may safely say that both the EU and the 1978 Spanish Constitution have been runaway successes that are now about celebrating their anniversaries, yet both have problems that should be addressed to. In the case of the EU, there seems to exist a handful of structural failures that are not easy to remove and make very difficult to cope with the democratic deficit and the full constitutionalising of the Union. The same inbuilt failures pose the question of how far may European integration go while at the same time maintaining, or not menacing, the integrity of the Spanish Constitution. Our leanings go towards abandoning the functionalist method, embracing a fully political, constitutional rule, and making for a pluralistic, rather dual, American-like, kind of federalism.

scholarly journals ‘You dribble faster than Messi and jump higher than Jordan’: The art of complimenting and praising in political discourse

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zohar Kampf ◽  
Roni Danziger
Keyword(s):  
Speech Acts ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Communities

Abstract Communicating admiration and appreciation in public discourse are two important tasks for political actors who wish to secure relationships and advance models for civic behavior. Our goal in this study is to understand how political actors signal their desire to please addressees and advance political sociability by way of manifesting positive judgment towards others. On the basis of 241 utterances praising and complimenting others’ words and deeds, we identify the topics, patterns, and functions of these speech acts and the processes and struggles they evoke in Israeli public discourse. We conclude by discussing the role of positive evaluations in demarcating the boundaries of proper conduct in political communities and the ways the distinctive logic of politics is integrated with specific cultural speaking styles in influencing how members of the Israeli political community signal their appreciation and affect for other members’ skills, performances, and personalities.

scholarly journals Ambedkar on the Haughty Face of Dignity

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Cabrera
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Alternative Conception ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Caste Status ◽  
Lower Status ◽  
Human Animal ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
Egalitarian Justice

Abstract Can a concept such as dignity, with roots in hierarchy and exclusion, serve as the constitutional basis for advancing egalitarian justice within a democratic political community? This article highlights some concerns, via engagement with the work of Indian constitutional architect and anti-caste champion B.R. Ambedkar. Ambedkar strongly associates dignity with upper-caste status in Hinduism, and with dispositions to haughtiness or arrogance toward lower-status persons. His analysis has implications for recent treatments which frame dignity as a property which is possessed equally by all persons and is suitable for grounding egalitarian justice within political communities. In such accounts, dignity is shown to entail a defensive disposition and indignation against others as potential rights violators. This introduces tensions between the dignitarian foundation and in some cases very expansive social justice aims. Ambedkar offers an alternative conception of innate worth or worthiness, entailing dispositions to openness and inclusiveness, rendered as fraternity, Deweyan social endosmosis, and ultimately the Buddhist maitri. Such an approach avoids some tensions between dignity/indignation and egalitarian aims, while also offering a way to conceptualize human and non-human animal relations that avoids simply reinscribing status hierarchies.

scholarly journals Decentralization and Corruption: Does Decentralization Lead to Corruption in Local Level in Nepal?

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 17-36
Author(s):  
Dipesh Kumar Ghimire
Keyword(s):  
Fiscal Decentralization ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The People ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
Corrupt Behavior ◽  
The Relationship

Federalism has been constitutionally uniting separate political communities in a limited by encompassing political community (Kincaid and Tarr 2005). Federalism as a mode of governance is concerned with combining 'self-rule and shared rule' (Elazar, 1987), where by the constituent members of the federal union can govern themselves autonomously while they and their citizen also participate together in the common national governing regime, which is autonomous within its sphere of constitutional authority (Kincaid, 2011). Federalism is the extreme form of decentralization. Similarly, corruption is defined as exercise of official powers against public interest or the abuse of public office for private gain. Corruption is a symptom of degeneration of the relationship between the state and the people, characterized by bribery, extortion and nepotism (Altas, 1968). Similarly, Sen (1999) defines corruption or corrupt behavior as "the violation of established rules for personal gains and profits". This article tries to explore the relationship among federalism, decentralization and corruption. My finding is: constitutional, political and spatial decentralization is very strong and fiscal decentralization is very weak in Nepal. Fiscal decentralization plays vital role to improve quality of governance. However, lack of proper fiscal decentralization and highly constitutional, political and spatial federalism or decentralization promote corruption in the local level. Similarly the monitoring mechanism and vertical controls system are very weak in Nepal. It shows that the localization process motivate to corrupt behavior among public authorities.

The centrality of politeia for Aristotle’s Politics: Aristotle’s continuing significance for social and political science

2014 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clifford Angell Bates
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Comparative Politics ◽  
Homo Sapiens ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Global Concern ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
Regime Analysis

Political theorists today are addressing issues of global concern confronting state systems and in so doing are often forced to confront the concept of Homo sapiens as a ‘political animal’. Thus theorists considering Aristotle’s Politics attempt to transcend his polis-centric focus and make the case that Aristotle offers ways to address these global concerns by focusing on Empire. This article, contra Dietz et al., argues that Aristotle’s political science is first and foremost a science of politeia and that this approach to the operation and working of political systems is far superior to recent attempts at regime analysis in comparative politics. Thus Aristotle’s mode of examining political systems offers much fruit for those interested in approaching political phenomena with precision and depth as diverse manifestations of the political communities formed by the species Aristotle called the ‘political animal’. From this perspective, focusing on the politeia constituting each political community permits an analysis of contemporary transformations of political life without distorting what is being analyzed.

scholarly journals The co-production of a "relevant" expertise – administrative and scientific cooperation in the French water policies elaboration and implementation since the 1990s

2008 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 1165-1174 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. F. Deroubaix
Keyword(s):  
Water Management ◽  
Public Policy ◽  
Science Studies ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Integrated Management ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Scientific Cooperation ◽  
Methodological Choices ◽  
Political Communities

Abstract. This paper aims at understanding the social and political uses of the principle of integrated management and its possible impacts on the elaboration and implementation processes of public policies in the French water management sector. The academic and political innovations developed by scientists and agents of the administration these last 25 years are analysed, using some of the theoretical tools developed by the science studies and public policy analysis. We first focus on the construction of intellectual public policy communities such as the GIP Hydro systems, at the origin of large interdisciplinary research programs in the 1990s. A common cognitive framework is clearly built during this period on the good governance of the aquatic ecosystems and on the corresponding needs and practices of research. The second part of the paper focuses on the possibilities to build political communities and more or less integrated expertises in the decision making processes concerning various issues related to water management. Eutrophication and its inscription on the French political agenda is a very significant case for analysing the difficulty to build such a political community. On the contrary, when there is an opportunity for policy evaluation, which was the case concerning the management of wetlands in France or the implementation of compulsory flows on the French rivers, these communities can emerge. However, the type of integrated expertise and management proposed in these cases of policy evaluations much depends on their methodological choices.

Citizenship

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Mettler ◽  
Alexis Walker
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Social Science Research ◽  
Science Research ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Social Policies ◽  
Political Rights

Besides its impact on poverty, inequality, and economic security, social policy also bears crucial significance for the meaning and quality of citizenship in a political community. Historical research on American political development has revealed that ideas about citizenship played a central role in the development of social policy. Throughout U.S. history, policy makers have often justified social policies on the basis that they would develop Americans' civic capacity and inculcate participatory norms. In addition, U.S. social policy has shaped citizens' experiences of government and their political participation and attitudes. Established social policies have influenced citizens' ability to practice their political rights, the extent of solidarity or division in society, and people's inclination to engage in civic life. In sum, American civil and political rights cannot be fully understood apart from their interaction with social rights and provision. This essay offers an introduction to thinking about the relationship between citizenship and social policy. It considers the place of social policy in different theoretical understandings of citizenship in social science research. It explores the mechanisms through which social policies can influence citizenship, tracing their impact on: membership, identity, and belonging; political attitudes; and political participation and other forms of civic involvement. Finally, it considers the contemporary relationship between social policy and citizenship and offer directions for future research on this relationship.

Imagined Institutions: The Symbolic Power of Formal Rules in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Slavic Review ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
pp. 944-969 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karlo Basta
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Stated Preference ◽  
Institutional Reform ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Post War ◽  
Political Communities

Through a detailed examination of institutional discourses in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, this article demonstrates that formal political institutions may play a more layered role than is allowed by existing theories of nationalist and ethnic conflict. Competing institutional preferences of Bosniak, Serb, and Croat elites are not simply instruments for the achievement of collective or individual goals. They are symbolically salient expressions of collective identity as well. For Bosniak elites, the stated preference for a non-ethnicized territorial framework and majoritarian central government suggest the vision of a multiethnic, but not institutionally multinational,Bosnianpolitical community. Their Serb and Croat counterparts, by contrast, insist on the continued “ethnicization” of the territorial architecture and the central government apparatus. These preferences express an understanding of Bosnia as a state of three discrete political communities. Any attempts at comprehensive institutional reform must thus reckon with the opposing and deeply embedded visions of institutions-as-symbols. The theoretical implications of this work go well beyond the Bosnian case.

scholarly journals Ativismo judicial no caso das candidaturas independentes | Judicial activism in the case of independent candidacies

KPGT_dlutz_1 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-152
Author(s):  
Ana Claudia Santano
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Federal Court ◽  
The Political ◽  
Judicial Activism ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
International Human Rights ◽  
Human Rights Treaties ◽  
Main Target ◽  
International Human ◽  
Federal Supreme

Ativismo judicial no caso das candidaturas independentes Resumo: Há anos já se percebe um ambiente de desânimo dos cidadãos diante da democracia. Como consequência, o “alvo” principal desse descontentamento foram os partidos políticos, devido ao seu notório protagonismo na condução dos assuntos políticos. Assim, como forma de manejo do problema, surgiu o debate sobre candidaturas independentes no Brasil. Por outro lado, no sistema brasileiro há o monopólio de candidaturas pelas agremiações partidárias, o que, por força de texto constitucional expresso, deveria obstar a adoção das avulsas. A questão chegou ao Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), que já demonstrou que poderá proceder de maneira ativista no caso. É a respeito do ativismo judicial do STF sobre o texto da Constituição referente ao monopólio de candidaturas que este artigo versa. Aborda-se o conteúdo dos direitos políticos na trajetória brasileira, dialogando com os tratados internacionais de Direitos Humanos, para logo analisar os argumentos trazidos pelo STF para admitir o julgamento do leading case. Ao final, expõem-se algumas considerações sobre a conveniência de candidaturas independentes no sistema pátrio. Palavras-chave: Ativismo Judicial. Candidaturas Independentes. Constituição Federal de 1988. Partidos Políticos. Supremo Tribunal Federal. ______ Judicial activism in the case of independent candidacies Abstract: For years there is an atmosphere of disenchantment among citizens towards democracy. As a consequence, the main “target” of this was the political parties, due to their notorious role in the conduct of political affairs. Thus, as a way of handling the problem, the debate about independent candidacies in Brazil arose. On the other hand, in the Brazilian system there is a monopoly of candidacies by party associations, which, by virtue of an express constitutional text, should prevent the acceptance of independent candidates. The issue reached the Federal Supreme Court, which has already demonstrated that it can be activist in the case. It is about the judicial activism of STF relating to the text of the Constitution regarding the monopoly of candidacies that this article aims to analyze. The content of the political rights in the Brazilian trajectory is worked out, dialoguing with the international human rights treaties, and then it is analyzed the arguments brought by STF to admit the judgment of this leading case. In the end, some considerations are presented about the convenience of independent applications in the Brazilian system. Keywords: Brazilian Constitution of 1988. Independent candidacies. Judicial Activism. Political Parties. Supreme Federal Court.

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