Jewish Émigré Writers and the French Language

Author(s):  
Julia Elsky

This chapter provides the historical and theoretical context of the book. It investigates Jewish immigration from Eastern Europe to France during the interwar period, and it traces the experiences of Jewish émigré writers in France from the interwar period through the Occupation. It places these authors within a new category of European Francophonie as a form of linguistic resistance to their rejection from French letters during the war. The writers in this book employed literary strategies, including multilingualism, heteroglossia, and transcription of accents in ways that blur the boundaries of belonging within national borders and within national languages, as well as the boundaries between Jewish and secular language.

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Marushiakova ◽  
Vesselin Popov

The editorial introduces the key ideas of this thematic issue, which originated within the European Research Council project ‘RomaInterbellum. Roma Civic Emancipation between the Two World Wars.’ The period between WWI and WWII in the region of Central, Southeastern and Eastern Europe was an era of worldwide significant changes, which marked the birth of the Roma civic emancipation movement and impacted Roma communities’ living strategies and visions about their future, worldwide. The aspiration of this thematic issue is to present the main dimensions of the processes of Roma civic emancipation and to outline the role of the Roma as active participants in the historical processes occurring in the studied region and as the creators of their own history. The editorial offers clarifications on the terminology and methodology employed in the articles included in this issue and their spatial and chronological parameters while also briefly introducing the individual authored studies of this issue.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerzy Grzybowski

The book explores the problem of economic emigration from Poland to Latvia and Estonia in the interwar period. The author discusses the issue from many aspects, looking at it from the perspective of political, economic, social, demographic and national processes which took place in Central-Eastern Europe.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 433-445
Author(s):  
Andrey Tashev

This article focuses on the views held by the early Bulgarian representative and interpreter of pragmatism Ivan Sarailiev (1887–1969) on the two trends of this doctrine – the method for ascertaining meaning proposed by Charles Sanders Peirce, and the theory of truth propounded by William James. Sarailiev applied and propagated the pragmatist ideas of the doctrine’s founders in Bulgaria in the 1920s, and is thus one of the first followers of Peirce in Europe and the very first in Eastern Europe. How deep was Sarailiev’s understanding of the two types of pragmatism? How did they shape his philosophy and what was their role? This article will try to address these questions as well as presenting the overall reception of pragmatism in Bulgaria in the Interwar period through Sarailiev who was its only serious proponent both at the time and long afterwards.


FRANCISOLA ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gisèle PIEBOP

<p><strong>RÉSUMÉ.</strong><strong> </strong>Motivé par la forte différenciation ethnico-linguistique d’un pays caractérisé par un profil sociolinguistique pléthorique et complexe du fait de ses 283 unités linguistiques, l’Etat camerounais opte au lendemain des indépendances pour une politique linguistique érigeant l’anglais et le français comme langues officielles. A ce titre, ces deux langues des anciennes puissances coloniales bénéficient de privilèges de premiers rangs, au détriment des langues nationales qui se contentent de statuts et fonctions secondaires. Le français en ce qui le concerne se retrouve ainsi sur un territoire où les diversités ethnique, géographique et culturelle détermineront ses modalités d’appropriation et d’expansion, et surtout les variations sociolinguistiques auxquelles il est soumis. Se pose alors la question du développement et du devenir de cette langue importée et le présent article vient apporter des éléments de réponse à ce sujet. Ainsi, le travail analysera à partir de l’approche variationniste, les usages du français camerounais qui évolue et s’enrichit chaque jour un peu plus de tournures morpho-syntaxiques, d’emprunts, de nouvelles graphies, de calques, de nouveaux sens, etc.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Mots-clés:</strong> <em>appropriation, diversité, français camerounais, statuts, variations.</em></p><p><em><br /></em></p><p><strong>ABSTRACT.</strong><strong> </strong>Motivated by the strong ethno-linguistic differentiation of a country with a bloated and complex sociolinguistic profile due to its 283 linguistic units, the Cameroon government after independence opted for a language policy erecting English and French as official languages. As such, the two languages of former colonial powers receive forefront of privileges at the expense of national languages which merely secondary status and functions. As well as it is concerned, the French language finds it self in a territory where ethnic, geographic and cultural diversities determine its terms of appropriation and expansion, especially sociolinguistic variations to which it is subjected. This raises the question of the development and the future of this imported language, and this article just provides answers to this. The variationist approach is the framework through which the Cameroonian French, that evolves and grows each day a little more through morphosyntactic turns, loans, new spellings, layers, new meanings, etc. is analyzed.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong><em>appropriation, Cameroon French, diversity, statutes changes.</em><em></em></p><p><em><br /></em></p>


Author(s):  
Olesya Dzyra

The article analyses and systematizes the information about the charitable work of Ukrainian public organizations in Canada in the interwar period, with the purpose to facilitate the complicated process of removal, departure and further settlement of compatriots overseas. In general, such aid societies were divided into three types, namely those that fulfilled their functions to simplify the immigration process, those who financially supported their members in case of illness, accident, or death, and those who were founded for social and political purposes, but also directly supported their supporters, built orphanages, shelters, and schools, as well as fed and provided clothing to the extremely impoverished countrymen. Thus, the first aid society gave as much help as possible to everybody willing to leave for Canada, the second engaged in mutual insurance of their membership, and the third donated funds for the benefit of the diaspora. Immigration aid societies were promoted by the Canadian authorities, funded by shipping and railway companies that were particularly interested in immigration from Eastern Europe after the 1925 railway agreement with the Canadian government, and received dividends from it. The organizations that provided the mutual insurance service operated at the expense of mandatory membership fees. In addition to membership fees, other public organizations received funds from voluntary donations from members, supporters, and sponsors. And finally, this type of activity was not the main one. These organizations were both local and dominion in nature, both working on a temporary and permanent basis. Despite of common goal, they could be divided by religious or political affiliation. And yet they combine representatives of the diaspora for a good mission – to make life easier for newly arrived Ukrainian immigrants.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-219
Author(s):  
Raluca Muşat

The interwar period was a time when the rural world gained new prominence in visions of modernity and modernisation across the world. The newly reconfigured countries of Eastern Europe played a key role in focusing attention on the countryside as an important area of state intervention. This coincided with a greater involvement of the social sciences in debates and in projects of development and modernisation, both nationally and internationally. This article examines the contribution of the Bucharest School of Sociology to the creation of an idea of ‘the global countryside’ that emerged in the interwar years and only matured in the post-war period.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-34
Author(s):  
M. Kathryn Edwards

Across the French Empire, the interwar period was critical to the political mobilization that would come to drive the struggles for independence in the post-1945 era. In French Indochina, and especially in its three Vietnamese regions, dynamic debates over reform, modernization, and the colonial relationship with France marked this period. Reformers included integrationists seeking a closer rapport with France, separatists seeking complete independence, and autonomists seeking a middle ground between the two. The advent of the Popular Front in June 1936 acted as a catalyst for reformers of all stripes, who hoped that the new regime would live up to its progressive credentials. This article explores the case for Indochinese autonomy through an analysis of the French-language Vietnamese newspaper L’Effort indochinois, which was founded in October 1936. It explores the domestic and global frameworks of this campaign, and it demonstrates how foreign models of autonomous states like Canada and foreign threats to Indochinese security fundamentally shaped L’Effort’s demands for Indochinese autonomy. It further seeks to contribute to the existing scholarship on the diversity of the Vietnamese reformist landscape on the eve of decolonization.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 58-74
Author(s):  
Vasyl STEFANIV

The article highlights the international historical context in which the relationships between nationalists and conservatives were formed during the interwar period in Europe. There was made a comparative analysis of similar and distinct attitudes towards religion in the ideology of nationalist movements in interwar Europe and Ukrainian nationalism. For the broader historical context, the example of nationalist movements in Central and Eastern Europe is crucial for understanding Ukrainian nationalism's ideology, including its attitude towards religion. It describes the complex relationships of modern nationalist movements with traditional Christianity, which was a distinct feature of the intellectual and political life of that time in Europe. The study analyzed the ideological foundations of nationalist movements in Central and Eastern Europe, where church and religion occupied a prominent place. Similar and distinctive features of the religion in the nationalist movement in Galicia were analyzed compared to the similar processes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The author states that the representatives of the Polish integrated nationalism and the fascist parties that came to power, namely the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) led by A. Hitler, the Croatian Ustasha, the Iron Guard in Romania, had a fairly large proportion of mythical foundations in their political programs and resembled political religion in their ideology. The ultimate instrument by which the nation could believe in their ideas was the Church. However, the modern political religion that was created could not completely deny the previous one. Therefore, most of the nationalist movements analyzed here had built their relationship with the Church, mainly for two purposes: first, to receive its support, hence the commitment of the believers; second, they used the authority of the Church and religion in their political activities. Keywords: nationalism, fascism, Nazism, Poland, Croatia, Romania, Codreanu, Pavelic, OUN, Onatsky.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2(13)/2019 (2(13)/2019) ◽  
pp. 37-44
Author(s):  
Adam KUŹ

The purpose of the paper is to answer the question: what is the main reason why the Central and Eastern Europe countries did not enter into fruitful and long-term cooperation both in the interwar period and after the collapse of the Soviet Union despite a far-reaching commonality of interests? Conflicts between these countries are not decisive factors in their lack of integration. The degree of integration is proportional to the degree of involvement in Central and Eastern Europe of powers that could act as an external hegemony. In the interwar period, the United States, England and France, and after 1989, the United States had the right potential to undertake such a task in its interest. None of them, however, took up such a role in the long run. Attempts to integrate the countries of Central and Eastern Europe to date, starting from the Versailles conference, indicate that the American protectorate is a necessary factor for implementing closer forms of cooperation between these countries.


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