Civilian perception of the role of the military in Nigeria’s 2014 Ebola outbreak and health-related responses in the North East region

2021 ◽  
pp. e001696
Author(s):  
Chris M A Kwaja ◽  
D J Olivieri ◽  
S Boland ◽  
P C Henwood ◽  
B Card ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Health Services ◽  
North East ◽  
East Region ◽  
Catchment Areas ◽  
Key Informant ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
Epidemic Response ◽  
The Military

IntroductionCivilian–military relations play an important yet under-researched role in low-income and middle-income country epidemic response. One crucial component of civilian–military relations is defining the role of the military. This paper evaluates the role of Nigerian military during the 2014–2016 West African Ebola epidemic.MethodsFocus groups and key informant interviews were conducted throughout three states in North East region of Nigeria: Borno, Yobe and Adamawa. Participants were identified through mapping of stakeholder involvement in Nigerian epidemic response. English-translated transcripts of each key informant interview and focus group discussion were then coded and key themes were elucidated and analysed.ResultsMajor themes elucidated include developing inclusive coordination plans between civilian and military entities, facilitating human rights reporting mechanisms and distributing military resources more equitably across geographical catchment areas. The Nigerian Military served numerous functions: 37% (22/59) of respondents indicated ‘security/peace’ as the military’s primary function, while 42% (25/59) cited health services. Variations across geographic settings were also noted: 35% (7/20) of participants in Borno stated the military primarily provided transportation, while 73% (11/15) in Adamawa and 29% (7/24) in Yobe listed health services.ConclusionsRobust civilian–military relations require an appropriately defined role of the military and clear civilian–military communication. Important considerations to contextualise civilian–military relations include military cultural–linguistic understanding, human rights promotion, and community-based needs assessments; such foci can facilitate the military’s understanding of community norms and civilian cooperation with military aims. In turn, more robust civilian–military relations can promote overall epidemic response and reduce the global burden of disease.

Civil–Military Relations and Human Rights

2021 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2110068
Author(s):  
Sam R. Bell ◽  
K. Chad Clay ◽  
Ghashia Kiyani ◽  
Amanda Murdie
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Military Leadership ◽  
Human Right ◽  
Principal Agent Theory ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
Agent Theory ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Lack Of Control ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

Do civil–military relations influence human rights practices? Building on principal–agent theory, we argue that civilian–military relations, instead of having an effect on mean levels of repression, will be associated with the dispersion in human rights practices. States where there is less control of the military or more conflict between civilian and military leadership will see a wider range of human rights practices. We test our hypotheses quantitatively on a global sample of countries, using updated data on civil–military relations and find evidence that civil–military conflict and lack of control increase the variance in human right practices.

To ‘midwife’ – and abort – a democracy: Mauritania's transition from military rule, 2005–2008

2009 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boubacar N'Diaye
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political System ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

ABSTRACTThe 3 August 2005 military coup was Mauritania's best opportunity to turn the page on decades of the deposed quasi-military regime's destructive politics. This article critically analyses relevant aspects of the transition that ensued in the context of the prevailing models of military withdrawal from politics in Africa. It also examines the challenges that Mauritania's short-lived Third Republic faced. It argues that the transition process did not escape the well-known African military junta leader's proclivity to manipulate transitions to fulfil suddenly awakened self-seeking political ambitions, in violation of solemn promises. While there was no old-fashioned ballot stuffing to decide electoral outcomes, Mauritania's junta leader and his lieutenants spared no effort to keep the military very much involved in politics, and to perpetuate a strong sense of entitlement to political power. Originally designed as an ingenious ‘delayed self-succession’ of sorts, in the end, another coup aborted Mauritania's democratisation process and threw its institutions in a tailspin. This only exacerbated the challenges that have saddled Mauritania's political system and society for decades – unhealthy civil-military relations, a dismal ‘human rights deficit’, terrorism, and a neo-patrimonial, disastrously mismanaged economy.

The Best of Intentions

2019 ◽  
pp. 222-249
Author(s):  
Anit Mukherjee
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Design ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
Conceptual Discussion ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
Defense Planning

This chapter examines defense planning in the Indian military. It begins with a conceptual discussion on the role of civilians in defense planning, mainly by examining the experience of other democracies. Next, it describes the history of defense planning in India, focusing on the formulation and implementation of five-year defense plans. There are three main arguments in this chapter. First, effective defense planning requires a close partnership between civilians and the military. Second, defense planning in India is marked by a lack of civilian guidance and institutional discordance, creating friction in civil–military relations. To an extent, this is because of a lack of expertise, on the part of civilians, and an institutional design that creates strong civil–military silos. Third, notwithstanding the above, there have been periodic attempts at reforming defense-planning structures. Progress has been achieved in some sectors, but much remains to be done.

scholarly journals Constraining Cooperation: Military Relations and Government Repression

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vito D'Orazio
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
The State ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Military Cooperation ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
Opposition Movements ◽  
The Military

Sometimes states repress political campaigns harshly, and sometimes they do not. Why? I argue that military cooperation with liberal democracies constrains the state from using severe forms of repression against opposition campaigns. Liberal democracies face costs for human rights violations by their friends, and are likely to coerce the military from repressive actions. Such interconnectedness also socializes the military with democratic militaries that have strong norms against the use of widespread and excessive repression. However, the military is not the only repressing agency, and therefore this constraint does not act to prevent repression but rather to limit its severity. This theory is tested using the NAVCO data and a new, latent measure of military cooperation. I find that military cooperation with liberal democracies does not prevent the state from repressing opposition movements, but it does limit the severity. This finding provides evidence of one benefit to expanding multinational security cooperation initiatives involving liberal democracies.

scholarly journals The Role of Ombudsman Institutions in Defending the Rights of Military Personnel

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-209
Author(s):  
Alexandru Stoian
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Human Rights Protection ◽  
Exclusive Jurisdiction ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
Military Command ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Military

Abstract The Ombudsman type institutions are appointed to investigate individuals’ complaints against public authority and represent important actors in human rights protection system and in implementing democratic controls of the security system. These institutions have the task of interrupting human rights and the fundamental freedoms of armed force personnel, as well as ensuring the over-protection and prevention of defamation of armed forces. At the European level, the institutions of the Ombudsman are particularly important for ensuring the accountability of public authorities outside the contradictory environment of the courts. Ombudsman’s general institutions are mandated to receive complaints about all or almost all state organs, and their attributions concern all public services and government branches, including the armed forces. In addition, the ombudsman institutions with exclusive jurisdiction are independent and have exclusive jurisdiction over the armed forces, usually civilian and independent of the military command chain. Also, the Ombudsman institutions operating within the army can be identified and these are not completely independent, most often subordinated to the defense ministry and receive money from the defense budget.

Boko Haram will pose renewed threat to Nigeria’s army

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Humanitarian Assistance ◽  
Terrorist Group ◽  
Boko Haram ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Terror Attacks ◽  
North East ◽  
Security Personnel ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
The Military

Significance The attacks come on the back of a general uptick in violence by the terrorist group both in north-east Nigeria and across its borders. The renewed violence suggests that even in its current degraded and divided state, Boko Haram’s various factions retain the capacity to hurt civilians and security personnel in north-eastern Nigeria and disrupt crucial humanitarian efforts. Impacts Renewed violence in north-eastern Nigeria will hamper the delivery of vital humanitarian assistance and government resettlement efforts. Despite current divisions, growing military successes by Boko Haram’s competing factions could potentially facilitate closer coordination. Growing terror attacks could reduce the impetus for the military to address human rights concerns or decommission local vigilante groups.

scholarly journals Appraisal of the Role of Law Clinics in Internally Displaced Persons and Refugee Camps in Nigeria

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 29-42
Author(s):  
Maryam Idris Abdulkadir
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Access To Justice ◽  
Internally Displaced Persons ◽  
Displaced Persons ◽  
Lake Chad ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
The Government

The crises from the northeastern part of Nigeria and neighbouring countries especially around the Lake Chad region (Cameroun and Chad) have created a lot of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees in the country. This has led to creation of such camps that are scattered all over the country, that is, in the North East, South, South East and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. A lot of humanitarian crises occur in such camps, the most disturbing of which is a violation of certain fundamental human rights, like right to liberty and right to dignity, exploitation and sexual assault. This has led to the creation of Refugee and IDP camps. This article examined the role that law clinics can play in addressing the legal issues highlighted. The history and development of legal education in Nigeria and how it gave birth to law clinics was traced. Moreover, the causes of creation of refugee and IDP camps were discussed. The article recommends that law clinics, through social justice, access to justice and client interview, can play a tremendous role in addressing the legal problems faced by the inhabitants of the camps, and this will also help achieve one of the learning outcomes of the course which deals with humanitarian law. The article further states that the presence/role of law clinics will not only benefit the students of the law clinic and the inhabitants of the camps but also benefit the Federal Government of Nigeria through data collection and statistics from these camps, and it will be a means for the government to curtail human rights violation in such areas.

The Party in Uniform: Toward a Theory of Civil-Military Relations in Communist Political Systems

1982 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 778-789 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amos Perlmutter ◽  
William M. LeoGrande
Keyword(s):  
Division Of Labor ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Stage Of Development ◽  
Political Resource ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
Over Time

This article is an effort to establish a comparative theoretical framework for the study of civil-military relations in communist political systems. Although the literature on civil-military relations in polyarchic and praetorian polities is theoretically as well as empirically rich, theories of civil-military relations in the field of comparative communism are still at the preliminary stage of development. It is argued that civil-military relations, like all the fundamental dynamics of communist political systems, derive from the structural relationship between a hegemonic Leninist party and the other institutions of the polity. Although the party directs and supervises all other institutions, its political supremacy is necessarily limited by the division of labor among various institutions. The relative autonomy of the military and its relations with the party vary from one country to another and can be described as coalitional, symbiotic, or fused. These relations are dynamic, changing over time in each country in response to contextual circumstances. The role of the military in politics is complex and variegated: on ideological issues, there is usually little conflict between party and army; on issues of “normal politics,” the military acts as a functionally specific elite engaged in bargaining to defend its perceived institutional interests; and in crisis politics, the military is a political resource that various party factions seek to enlist against their opponents.

Informality and Informalization Among Eritrean Refugees

2019 ◽  
pp. 644-668
Author(s):  
Magnus Treiber
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
East Africa ◽  
Transnational Migration ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
Social Effects ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
North East ◽  
Informal Practices

Transnational migration has important implications on the respective country of departure and its political dynamics. This article addresses informal practices and processes of informalization during migration from dictatorially ruled Eritrea in North-East-Africa. On the base of dense ethnography among refugees and migrants in neighboring Ethiopia the article discusses migration's cultural and social effects and sheds a light on the potential role of migrants in Eritrea's expected political transition. It will be argued that refugees and migrants are unable to fully liberate themselves from Eritrea's authoritarian political culture while seeking prosperity, democracy and human rights elsewhere. Instead they blunder into informal practices such as deceit, exploitation and denial of solidarity, which inevitably backfire on social and political life.

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