Interregional Trade Facing Re-polarization: The EU Trade Negotiations with ASEAN Countries

2012 ◽  
pp. 55-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lena Lindberg ◽  
Claes G. Alvstam
Keyword(s):  
Trade Negotiations ◽  
Interregional Trade ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
The Eu

Actorness and trade negotiating outcomes: West Africa and the SADC Group in negotiations for Economic Partnership Agreements

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merran Hulse
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
International Negotiations ◽  
Trade Negotiations ◽  
Power Asymmetry ◽  
Interregional Trade ◽  
African Caribbean ◽  
Interregional Cooperation ◽  
Economic Partnership ◽  
Collective Goals ◽  
The Eu

In 2014, the EU concluded Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with several African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) regions. These EPAs represent some of the most advanced examples of interregional cooperation. Yet, the outcomes of EPA negotiations are not the same across all regions. This article investigates differences in negotiated outcomes and argues that regional actorness – the ability of regions to become identifiable, to aggregate the interests of member states, to formulate collective goals and to make and implement decisions – influences regions’ ability to navigate interregional trade negotiations. In a comparison of the actorness and negotiated outcomes of West Africa and the SADC EPA Group, the article shows that actorness matters for international negotiations: regions with higher levels of actorness can negotiate better outcomes even under conditions of stark power asymmetry.

TTIP, CETA, and TiSA Behind Closed Doors

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Panagiotis Delimatsis
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
Early Stage ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Trade Negotiations ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Eu

Secrecy and informality rather than transparency traditionally reign trade negotiations at the bilateral, regional, and multilateral levels. Yet, transparency ranks among the most basic desiderata in the grammar of global governance and has been regarded as positively related to legitimacy. In the EU’s case, transparent trade diplomacy is quintessential for constitutional—but also for broader political—reasons. First, even if trade matters fall within the EU’s exclusive competence, the EU executive is bound by the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) to inform the European Parliament, the EU co-legislator, in regular intervals. Second, transparency at an early stage is important to address public reluctance, suspicion, or even opposition regarding a particular trade deal. This chapter chronicles the quest for and turning moments relating to transparency during the EU trade negotiations with Canada (CETA); the US (TTIP), and various WTO members on services (TiSA).

scholarly journals Cointegration and error correction modelling of agricultural commodity trade: The case of ASEAN agricultural exports to the EU

2003 ◽  
Vol 12 (Supplement) ◽  
Author(s):  
J. NIEMI
Keyword(s):  
Error Correction ◽  
Agricultural Commodity ◽  
Commodity Trade ◽  
Price Changes ◽  
Agricultural Exports ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Export Supply ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Modelling Approach

The objecti e of this study is to increase our understanding of the specification and estimation of agricultural commodity trade models as well as to provide instruments for trade policy analysis. More specifically,the aim is to build a set of dynamic,theory-based econometric models which are able to capture both short-run and long-run effects of income and price changes,and which can be used for prediction and policy simulation under alternati e assumed conditions.A relati ely unrestricted,data determined,econometric modelling approach based on the error correction mechanism is used,in order to emphasise the importance of dynamics of trade functions.Econometric models are constructed for se en agricultural commodities –cassa a,cocoa,coconut oil,palm oil,pepper, rubber,and tea –exported from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)to the European Union (EU).With the aim of providing broad commodity co erage,the intent is to explore whether the chosen modelling approach is able to catch the essentials of the behavioural relationships underlying the specialised nature of each commodity market. The import demand analysis of the study examines two key features:(1)the response of EU ’s agricultural commodity imports to income and price changes,and (2)the length of time required for this response to occur.The estimations of the export demand relationships provide tests whether the exporters ’ market shares are influenced by the le el of relati e export price,and whether exports are affected by ariations in the rate of growth of imports.The export supply analysis examines the relati e influence of real price and some non-price factors in stimulating the supply of exports.The lag distribution (the shape and length of the lag)is found to be ery critical in export supply relationships,since the effects of price changes usually take a long time to work themselves through and since the transmission of the price effects can be complex.The set of dynamic econometric models estimated in the study are then used to simulate the effects different types of trade policies.More specifically,attempts are made to quantify the effects of a unilateral tariff remo al by the EU,an imposition of export subsidies and taxes by the ASEAN countries as well as exchange rate adjustments on ASEAN agricultural exports to the EU. The results suggest that concepts such as cointegration and error correction specification are well suited for the study of agricultural trade flows,which are typically non-stationary time series.The error correction specification is found to provide a good representation of the data-generating process for agricultural commodity flows from ASEAN countries to the EU.Furthermore,the study shows the importance of inspection of the time series properties and the examination of both short-and long-run adjustment when studying trade functions.The different dynamic responses are often critical to the outcomes of the types of trade policies considered.;

Doing It Different

2014 ◽  
pp. 56-72
Author(s):  
Owais Hassan Shaikh ◽  
Yifat Nahmias
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Intellectual Property ◽  
Knowledge Society ◽  
Direct Consequence ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Least Developed Countries ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Interregional Trade ◽  
Economic Partnership ◽  
The Eu

This chapter highlights the current developments in the area of intellectual property having direct consequence for the prospects of Africa's knowledge society. Even though African countries, especially the Least Developed Countries (LDCs), have not yet faced pressure from the EU, US, and EFTA for higher intellectual property standards, the situation may change soon with the imminent deadline for conclusion of Economic Partnership Agreements in 2014, the lapse of Africa Growth and Opportunities Act in 2015, and the expiry of the Cotonou Agreement in 2020. African countries will be well advised to decouple trade and intellectual property issues by promoting interregional trade or trade with other developing countries that do not demand TRIPS-Plus protection. They must also negotiate intellectual property within the ambit of the WTO.

scholarly journals The Increasing Power of the European Parliament: Negotiating the eu-India Free Trade Agreement

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magdalena Frennhoff Larsén
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade Agreement ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Trade Negotiations ◽  
International Level ◽  
Game Analysis ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

AbstractSince the Lisbon Treaty increased the legal role of the European Parliament (ep) ineutrade policy, there has been a debate about the extent to which these legal competencies have translated into actual influence over the content and outcome ofeutrade negotiations. Using the trade negotiations between theeuand India as a case study, this article argues that the impact of theephas indeed been significant. Through two-level game analysis, which extends its domestic focus to include theepas a domestic constituent, it demonstrates how theephas affected theeuwin-set in ways that have both hindered and facilitated agreement at the international level between theeuand India. It also shows how theephas affected the negotiating dynamics and how theeunegotiators have had their preferences somewhat compromised by theepin their attempt at reaching an agreement with India.

scholarly journals Free Trade Agreements: WTO and ASEAN Implications

2004 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 95-111
Author(s):  
Jose L. Tongzon
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
World Trade Organization ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
World Trade ◽  
Free Trade Agreements ◽  
Trade Agreements ◽  
Trade Negotiations ◽  
Multilateral Trade ◽  
The World ◽  
Asean Countries

The World Trade Organization (WTO) (formerly GATT) was established primarily to achieve free trade across the globe based on the principle of non-discrimination and the process of multilateral trade negotiations. The fact that most countries are members of WTO reflects the worldwide belief in the benefits of a global free trade. Despite its achievements since the first round of multilateral trade negotiations was held, the effectiveness of the process has been called into question. Most WTO members are now proposing new regional trading arrangements (RTAs), such as free trade agreements (FTAs). What implication does these RTAs have for the WTO and ASEAN countries? Should ASEAN countries give regionalism priority over the WTO-based multilateral approach? To answer this questions, this paper will first summarize the motivations behind the formation of RTAs before presenting the merits and demerits of RTAs as an approach to achieve universal free trade and maximize developing countries' welfare. It is argued that despite its inherent limitations it is important for ASEAN countries to remain primarily committed to the principles of WTO and the process of multilateral trade negotiations.

scholarly journals ASEAN and African relations: towards a renewed partnership?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Kohnert
Keyword(s):  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
World Population ◽  
Industrialized Countries ◽  
Interregional Trade ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
The Eu

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG : The ASEAN summit of October 2021 showed the increased geopolitical importance of the Indo-Pacific realm. Today ASEAN is the most successful regional organization in Asia and the second largest worldwide behind the EU. The establishment of the New Asian-African Strategic Partnership (NAASP) more than 15 years before (2005) aimed to revive the Bandung spirit of the non-aligned movement of 1955. This time with a stronger focus on economic ties. In 2013 these countries counted around 620 million inhabitants or 8.8% of the world population. They wanted to fight colonialism and neocolonialism by promoting Afro-Asiatic economic and cultural cooperation. Almost all member countries gained sovereignty and political independence by the 1960s and 1970s, with the exception of Palestine. However, the aftermath of the Bandung conference also promoted negative developments, including the polarization of Asian countries, the strengthening of political authoritarianism and regional interventions. In addition, most countries continued to grapple with economic and political challenges, including poverty, debt burdens, backwardness, ignorance, disease and environmental degradation. Their access to the markets of the industrialized countries also remained limited. At the global level, the NAASP received little attention so far. Despite the longstanding rhetoric of Asia-Africa solidarity, Asia and Africa still lack formal institutional and trade links. Although interregional trade increased, Africa remained a small part of ASEAN with only around 2% of its total market. The most important trading countries of ASEAN with Africa were Thailand, Indonesia and Singapore, while South Africa, Nigeria and Egypt were the largest African import markets. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ : 'Les relations commerciales entre l'ASEAN [ANASE] et l'Afrique: vers un partenariat renouvelé ?' --- Le sommet de l'ASEAN d'octobre 2021 a montré l'importance géopolitique accrue de la region indo-pacifique. Aujourd'hui, l'ANASE est l'organisation régionale la plus performante d'Asie et la deuxième au monde derrière l'UE. La création du Nouveau partenariat stratégique Asie-Afrique (NAASP) plus de 15 ans auparavant (2005) visait à raviver l'esprit de Bandung du mouvement des non-alignés de 1955. Cette fois en mettant davantage l'accent sur les liens économiques. En 2013, ces pays comptaient environ 620 millions d'habitants soit 8,8% de la population mondiale. Ils voulaient combattre le colonialisme et le néocolonialisme en promouvant la coopération économique et culturelle afro-asiatique. Presque tous les pays membres ont acquis leur souveraineté et leur indépendance politique dans les années 1960 et 1970, à l'exception de la Palestine. Cependant, les conséquences de la conférence de Bandung ont également favorisé des développements négatifs, notamment la polarisation des pays asiatiques, le renforcement de l'autoritarisme politique et les interventions régionales. En outre, la plupart des pays ont continué à faire face à des défis économiques et politiques, notamment la pauvreté, le fardeau de la dette, le retard, l'ignorance, la maladie et la dégradation de l'environnement. Leur accès aux marchés des pays industrialisés restait également limité. Au niveau mondial, le NAASP a reçu peu d'attention jusqu'à présent. Malgré la rhétorique de longue date de la solidarité Asie-Afrique, l'Asie et l'Afrique manquent encore de liens institutionnels et commerciaux formels. Bien que le commerce interrégional ait augmenté, l'Afrique est restée une petite partie de l'ASEAN avec seulement environ 2% de son marché total. Les principaux pays commerçants de l'ASEAN avec l'Afrique étaient la Thaïlande, l'Indonésie et Singapour, tandis que l'Afrique du Sud, le Nigéria et l'Égypte étaient les plus grands marchés d'importation africains.

South-east Asia drone sales may raise terror risks

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The United States ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Media ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
Asean Economic Community ◽  
Drone Production ◽  
The Eu

Subject Drone sales to South-east Asia. Significance Washington announced last month that it will lift its ban on selling armed/lethal unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs, or 'drones') to allies and security partners. This decision has South-east Asian implications: many US allies and interests are there. South-east Asia also has a significant appetite for unarmed drones. Consequently, the region is becoming a fruitful ground for sales and use of both types of UAV. However, this brings mixed security implications. Impacts China will compete with major drone vendors the United States, the EU and Israel for South-east Asian sales. South-east Asian governments will update their laws to incorporate drone-related considerations. Authoritarian governments will probably attempt to control the use of drones by the media and civil society. ASEAN countries will expand domestic drone production, especially under the ASEAN Economic Community.

Globalisation of Anti-dumping and Its Impact

2003 ◽  
Vol 38 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 54-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.P. Bhat
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Market Access ◽  
Trade Negotiations ◽  
Unique Combination ◽  
Special Position ◽  
Frequent Users ◽  
Antidumping Measures ◽  
India And China ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Do So

A steep reduction in tariff duties, dismantling of substantial non-tariff barriers and removing of grey area measures left very little options for the WTO member countries to protect their non-competitive industries. One of the easy ways opened to them has been the initiation of antidumping measures. The WTO rules allow them to opt for anti-dumping measures with some specific stipulations. These are not too strict or stringent to comply with. Besides, anti-dumping has a unique combination ofp olitical and economic manipulability. During the eight years of the WTO regime, the use of anti-dumping measure has become rampant and it is indeed threatening to limit the market access achieved under the GATTIWTO trade negotiations over the last fifty years or so. In the recent years, a large number of developing countries have become the frequent users of anti-dumping (AD) and they account for half of the overall world total. Many of the heaviest AD users are countries who did not even have an AD statute a decade ago. The traditional users continue to make use of AD with more vigour by targeting the new users. The developing countries are targeting each other. The sectoral coverage of AD is over 85 per cent at the end of 2002. As many as 96 countries are the victims and 38 countries are making use of AD actions. The paper attempts to highlight developments in the use of AD actions world over under the WTO regime. It illustrates the position of four important players, namely USA, the EU, India and China as users and the victims of AD actions. It shows the special position of each of these actors occupy in the AD spectrum. Finally, ii concludes on the basis of observations that there is a need to contain and drastically modify the AD agreements to combat the menace. Some suggestions are offered to do so.

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