scholarly journals Division of Property and Expansion of Rights of Political Participation: primogeniture and the Rebuttal of Patriarchalism in James Tyrrell and John Locke

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (38) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Cláudia Elias Duarte

The political writings of two English philosophers of the seventeenth century – James Tyrrell and John Locke – devote a considerable part of their thought to the rebuttal of Sir Robert Filmer’s patriarchalism. Both defend, as an alternative to an absolute political power based on the paternal right of the king, a government established by the consent of those who are governed; and both assume the topic of primogeniture as central in their counter-arguments against patriarchalism. The present article intends to focus on the anti-patriarchalism arguments devoted to the second topic. Mainly, it tries to identify the reason that may be behind the choice of Sir Robert’s critics to deny a right of primogeniture, when that right was in force in their country in the seventeenth century. Departing from the assumption that, then, the exercise of political rights relied of the status of proprietary, then the defense of the end of primogeniture, and the consequent possibility of the division of property by the various members of one family, may open the door to an expansion of the rights of political participation.

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 751-794
Author(s):  
Gunhild Graf

Abstract The present article intends to contribute to the research on the kalām (“theology”) in Mauritania. So far, this particular Islamic science has received little attention of Islamic studies outside Mauritania. Around a dozen Mauritanian and non-Mauritanian commentaries on the highly popular didactic poem Iḍāʾat ad-duǧunna of al-Maqqarī – until today part of the education curriculum in the cultural area of the Western Sahara – provide the basis of the present paper which is divided in two parts: Part one presents some characteristic features of Mauritanian literature and the status of ʿilm al-kalām in Mauritania. Part two deals with the Iḍāʾa and its (Mauritanian) commentaries. Some selected key verses of the Iḍāʾa and their interpretation by various commentators are discussed here. Particular attention is paid to autobiographical notes and the elaboration on some special terms (for example tauḥīd, ʿilm, auwal wāǧib). Further topics addressed include the dialogue between al-Ǧubbāʾī and al-Ašʿarī and the report on Ibn Barraǧān’s prediction of the conquest of Jerusalem from the crusaders by the Muslims in the year 583 H. Since many Mauritanian manuscripts about kalām have not been edited to the present day, even an approximate overview on the Mauritanian kalām literature is still out of sight. However, the investigation of the Mauritanian ʿilm al-kalām as a subbranch of studies on later kalām since the seventeenth century promises to provide highly relevant and intriguing insights.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-43
Author(s):  
John Owen Havard

Disaffected Parties offers a prehistory for modern political disaffection that underscores literature’s importance as a means of thinking about a diverse array of relationships with politics, in this period and beyond. The Introduction lays out some of the historical frameworks and changing conceptions of politics—including the understandings of disaffection and the expanded conception of political parties—employed in the book, while also looking to the wider questions posed by the disaffected stance and its bearing on the status of the literary. The opening section explores the political valences of disaffection from the mid-seventeenth century down to the present, employing the term’s historical and conceptual proximity to terms including disinterest, dissent, and indifference to reflect on the prospect of a literature of disaffection (defined by its aspiration to absolute withdrawal and disinterest, but also animated by disavowed investments). The Introduction goes on to explain the historical rationale for the book and to outline the book’s approach to literary form.


2007 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-172
Author(s):  
Yoshihiko Amino

AbstractThe main text upon which these notes are based (Muen, kugai, raku) was first published as a chapter in a book of essentially the same name in 1978. When the revised edition of the work was published in 1996, voluminous notes were added as an appendix, as a way for Amino to reply to his critics. The present article consists of three notes, one on raku, one on kugai and one comparing the three raku, kugai and muen with the idea of “liberty” (Amino's preferred translation for the Japanese term jiyū). To recapitulate the main text (whose translation appeared in IJAS 4:1), all three terms, originally Buddhist, were used as secular concepts in medieval times to denote people and places outside the control of the political authority. All were characterized by certain “freedoms” or “liberties”, but such connotations disappeared in the course of the seventeenth century with the unification of the country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 881-886
Author(s):  
I Made Gede Ray Misno

Democracy is the most appropriate choice for our nation in carrying out the life of the nation and state. With democracy, the political rights of every citizen are guaranteed to be the same. Every citizen has the right to vote and be elected into political power, in contrast to monarchies where hereditary law applies. Because all citizens have the same rights and obligations in politics, democracy can only work effectively if these political positions are filled or held by people who have good qualifications, competences, and morals, so that they are able to represent people. who have given him the confidence to occupy a given political position with the aim of mutual welfare, as stated in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution.


2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-90
Author(s):  
Ivan Matic

The subject of this paper will be the analysis of the question of religious toleration in the political thought of seventeenth century English philosopher John Locke. The first part of the paper will discuss the foundational principles of Locke?s political thought, particularly his contract theory. The second part will be dedicated to situating his positions on freedom of religion within the domain of that theory, accentuating the moment of separation between church and state. The final part will analyze the implications of religious toleration, as well as its limits, upon which Locke?s criterion of freedom of religion will be critically examined.


1985 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 438-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomas Hammar

On the premise that representative government cannot properly function without the political participation of a large active segment of its constituents represented by permanent immigrants without citizenship, this article: 1) reviews some attempts to resolve such an anomalous situation; 2) suggests naturalization as an instrument to correct it and describes the naturalization rate and the reasons for the low propensity for naturalization in various North European countries; 3) surveys the phenomenon of dual citizenship, the reasons for its increase as well as its inconveniences and advantages; and 4) hypothesizes that future increases in dual citizenship will protect political rights and foster political integration.


Author(s):  
Christia Mercer

Seventeenth-century English Catholic, original member of the Royal Society, and one of the first philosophers to produce a fully developed system of mechanical philosophy, Sir Kenelm Digby cut a dashing figure as a poet, privateer and philosopher. As a Catholic and royalist, he spent much of his life in semi-exile on the continent where he conversed with many of the political and intellectual leaders of his time; as a philosopher, he was favourably compared to René Descartes and John Locke. He attempted to wed the philosophy of Aristotle to the new mechanical physics, which maintained that every event in the material world is reducible to matter in motion. His interests and writings cover a wide range, from religion and magic to vegetative growth and literary commentary. The explicit goal of his most significant book, Two Treatises (1644), was to prove the immortality of the human soul. To this end, the first treatise constitutes an exhaustive study of bodies and their features. By showing that all corporeal qualities are to be explained in strictly material terms, he prepares the way for a thorough discussion of the soul. Digby argues that the soul must be immaterial (and hence immortal) because otherwise its features cannot be explained. He went on to apply the mechanical principles which he developed in this work to a variety of topics, including some traditionally associated with the occult. His works on alchemical, medical and religious topics were also widely read.


1953 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-175

Desiring to implement the principle of equality of rights for men and women contained in the Charter of the United Nations,Recognizing that everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country directly or through freely chosen representatives, and has the right to equal access to public service in his country, and desiring to equalize the status of men and women in the enjoyment and exercise of political rights, in accordance with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,


2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (07) ◽  
pp. 163-186
Author(s):  
Bushra Salman Hussain AL-OBAIDI

The protection of women's political participation is a fundamental issue for the advancement of women around the world and for the advancement of all mankind, according to what was stated in the Beijing Declaration. The international community believes that women are affected, just like any man, by the challenges facing humanity in the twenty-first century, whether with regard to development. Economic and social, or with regard to peace and security, but that women are often the most affected by these challenges and therefore must participate in decision-making processes in all areas with equal force and the same numbers. There is no policy more important than the political empowerment of women in preventing the outbreak of conflicts or in achieving reconciliation after the end of the conflict. With the increasing political participation of women, they still represent a small percentage in the higher and leadership ranks, which help in influencing the process of enacting laws and legislation in favor of women and their equality in society.In spite of Iraq’s commitment to international conventions that guarantee women's political rights, women have not formed an effective force in parliament or political parties and are still absent from leadership positions in the country in spite the emphasis on their participation, on an equal footing with men due to security, political, social and economic threats. Its Rise to the ranks of crimes, it is a serious obstacle to their political participation, criminal protection for women's political participation and its impact on their human rights. For women's political participation and its impact on their human rights. Research objectives/promote women's political participation by securing an effective criminal policy against threats to their political participation and activating the implementation of legal texts that criminalize these threats, as well as enacting penal texts to criminalize other acts that do not find criminal coverage for them within the legislation in force, which in turn will constitute protection for women in The scope of their exercise of their political rights, as well as deterring the perpetrators of these threats or those who are begging to commit them. The introductory plan/includes an introduction, and an investigation that deals with studying the nature of political participation of women and their criminal protection and definition, their characteristics and conditions, as well as the forms of crimes that are electoral crimes and their clarification of their position in the laws in force of what is covered by these laws, as well as an explanation of what are actually electoral crimes but need legislative cover. Then we conclude the research with our findings and recommendations.


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