Dual Citizenship and Political Integration

1985 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 438-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomas Hammar

On the premise that representative government cannot properly function without the political participation of a large active segment of its constituents represented by permanent immigrants without citizenship, this article: 1) reviews some attempts to resolve such an anomalous situation; 2) suggests naturalization as an instrument to correct it and describes the naturalization rate and the reasons for the low propensity for naturalization in various North European countries; 3) surveys the phenomenon of dual citizenship, the reasons for its increase as well as its inconveniences and advantages; and 4) hypothesizes that future increases in dual citizenship will protect political rights and foster political integration.

Author(s):  
Mark Philp ◽  
Eduardo Posada-Carbó

Liberalism was the most powerful emergent political ideology across early nineteenth-century southern Europe (this chapter does not deal with the Ottoman world). There was more support for ‘freedom’ and ‘liberal’ values than for ‘democracy’. Liberalism indeed initially aimed to realize some democratic aspirations, while averting the worst features of French revolutionary experience. Liberal revolutionaries of the 1820s advocated extensive political participation to support effective nation-building. But during the 1830s, the form of liberalism associated with the French Doctrinaires became ascendant; in this view, political skills were found only among people of ‘capacity’; the preferred form of representative government was one restricting political rights to higher taxpayers. Politically active people calling themselves ‘democrats’ (as became more common from this time) usually operated from within liberal ranks but were critical of narrow versions of this creed: the democratic cause gained new definition and point in this context.


1994 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Joan Lockwood O'Donovan

Today the whole of Europe, East and West, is caught up in the search for new political and economic structures, sadly, along violent and atavistic as well as peaceful and constructive paths. In the West the fulcrum of change is the halting movement of countries toward economic and political ‘integration’ within the European Community. The issue of what form, or forms, the Community should take (whether federal, confederal, or more loosely associative) is understandably divisive, for its resolution will determine the political shape, not only of the member states, but also of those western European countries (should there be any eventually) that remain either outside the Community or only partially integrated in it. Moreover, it will decisively influence the political and economic aspirations and possibilities of the Community's eastern European neighbours, and even of their Soviet or ex-Soviet neighbours. Thus are we justified in viewing the fate of the European Community as the fate of Europe. Consequendy, it is a task of theoretical and practical moment to attempt to grasp the civilisational meaning of the projected European union with the help of some points of reference from western Europe's past and present.


Sociology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 671-688 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Bartram

The UK ‘citizenship process’ subjects immigrants to requirements ostensibly intended to enhance their identification with ‘British values’. Policy-makers suggest the policy will facilitate immigrants’ integration: as they learn about ‘life in the UK’, they will become better able to understand and navigate core institutions. Many external observers, by contrast, believe that the requirements exacerbate immigrants’ marginalization. I use panel data from ‘Understanding Society’ to investigate political participation among non-citizen immigrants at Wave 1, comparing those who became citizens by Wave 6 to those who remained non-citizens. Those who became citizens subsequently reported lower interest in politics, relative to those who remained non-citizens; in addition, they were not more likely to be active in organizations (e.g. political parties and trade unions). These findings reinforce the concerns of critics: the UK citizenship policy appears to do more to alienate new citizens than it does to facilitate their integration in the political sphere.


SAGE Open ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 215824401244043 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Alaminos ◽  
Clemente Penalva

This article shows how the cognitive mobilization index, designed for use in observing potential political participation, can be used as an indicator of the political climate that a particular society is going through. Following a discussion of the theoretical elaborations (and their working definitions) of the concept of cognitive mobilization, a longitudinal study of various European countries is used to consider the question of how political crises influence cognitive mobilization indexes and what effects they have on the political socialization process among the youngest cohorts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (07) ◽  
pp. 163-186
Author(s):  
Bushra Salman Hussain AL-OBAIDI

The protection of women's political participation is a fundamental issue for the advancement of women around the world and for the advancement of all mankind, according to what was stated in the Beijing Declaration. The international community believes that women are affected, just like any man, by the challenges facing humanity in the twenty-first century, whether with regard to development. Economic and social, or with regard to peace and security, but that women are often the most affected by these challenges and therefore must participate in decision-making processes in all areas with equal force and the same numbers. There is no policy more important than the political empowerment of women in preventing the outbreak of conflicts or in achieving reconciliation after the end of the conflict. With the increasing political participation of women, they still represent a small percentage in the higher and leadership ranks, which help in influencing the process of enacting laws and legislation in favor of women and their equality in society.In spite of Iraq’s commitment to international conventions that guarantee women's political rights, women have not formed an effective force in parliament or political parties and are still absent from leadership positions in the country in spite the emphasis on their participation, on an equal footing with men due to security, political, social and economic threats. Its Rise to the ranks of crimes, it is a serious obstacle to their political participation, criminal protection for women's political participation and its impact on their human rights. For women's political participation and its impact on their human rights. Research objectives/promote women's political participation by securing an effective criminal policy against threats to their political participation and activating the implementation of legal texts that criminalize these threats, as well as enacting penal texts to criminalize other acts that do not find criminal coverage for them within the legislation in force, which in turn will constitute protection for women in The scope of their exercise of their political rights, as well as deterring the perpetrators of these threats or those who are begging to commit them. The introductory plan/includes an introduction, and an investigation that deals with studying the nature of political participation of women and their criminal protection and definition, their characteristics and conditions, as well as the forms of crimes that are electoral crimes and their clarification of their position in the laws in force of what is covered by these laws, as well as an explanation of what are actually electoral crimes but need legislative cover. Then we conclude the research with our findings and recommendations.


1983 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
MINION KC MORRISON

Traditional, diverse communities in Africa have largely been viewed as impediments to the integration of the new and broader post-1960 political arrangements. This view has been sustained by the supposed particularistic tendency of these usually ethnic-based entities. Nevertheless, reevaluations of older communities within the new states increasingly show the former to be a legitimate vehicle for political participation. By focusing on the political kingdom of Ashanti in contemporary Ghana, this analysis illustrates the resilience and adaptability of ethnic phenomena to modern political requirements. These phenomena often provide bases for continuity, broad participation, and stability in the modern political setting. At the same time, the prominence of functional adaptability on the part of ethnic groups has direct and often positive implications for political integration in contemporary Ghana.


Author(s):  
Krisna Yuda I Wayan ◽  
Subanda Nyoman

This study aims to determine the political phenomena of women in a patriarchal culture in Gianyar Regency, Bali and to find out the perception of the community in Gianyar Regency, Bali on women's representation in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses a descriptive qualitative approach. The sampling technique in determining informants used the purposive sampling method. Data collection is done through observation. Interview and documentation study. The results showed that the phenomenon of patriarchal culture influenced the political participation of women in Gianyar Regency, Bali. The low representation of women legislative members is due to the patriarchal culture which is still thick in Bali, especially the people in Gianyar Regency. Patriarchal culture is a major obstacle that hinders the political participation of Balinese women. Also, there are besides several other factors such as education and public understanding of the use of political rights for each community, the limitations of information media, human resources, and financial resources, cause the low participation of women in politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Denis I. Igonin ◽  
Ruslan F. Garipov

This paper discusses the features of the political rights of ethnic minorities in individual European states. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that this institution is undergoing its transformation. In connection with this fact, object of research in the paper is the analysis of individual international and constitutional acts. The emphasis on ethnic minorities in revealing the essence of political rights is by no means accidental. Legislative registration as a state recognition of the rights of ethnic minorities is a prerequisite for combating discrimination and, at the same time, protecting small groups of people. Therefore, the policy in the field of these rights is a socially significant reality recognized today by the international community. It is the result of ethnosocial consensus. The assertion that the political rights of ethnic minorities are universally recognized is often accompanied by arguments based on modern international norms. But when referring to the main international acts, this issue does not look as clear as it is presented in a number of scientific studies. It does not at all follow from these international acts that these rights belong only to ethnic groups. The term “people” is interpreted as a community of citizens residing both in independent states and in dependent territories. Thus, it is not entirely clear whether a particular European state is obliged to exercise these rights in relation to a single ethnic group, since these international documents do not directly contain such an obligation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juwita Kumala Anak Robin ◽  
Arnold Puyok

The theme of the political participation of the indigenous Muslim community in Labuan is important to fill the gap in Labuan’s political history. The main questions which the study aimed to answer were: what political roles did the indigenous Muslim community play during the British colonial period from 1946-1963 in Labuan? What were the factors contributing to their political involvement and what were the reactions of the British? The study’s three main objectives were: to describe the political participation of the indigenous Muslim community in Labuan from the period of 1946-1963, to analyse their roles in the British colonial administration, and to examine the British policy towards the involvement of the Muslim leaders in the political process. The study was mainly carried out through qualitative approach, involving archival research and in-depth interviews. Internal and external criticism methods were also applied in assessing, interpreting and analysing the primary, secondary and oral sources. All the key themes were presented in descriptive and chronological manner. The political participation of the indigenous Muslim community in Labuan can be divided into two phases: the first phase from 1946-1960 and the second phase, from 1961-1963. During the first phase, their political participation was essentially driven by their desires to safeguard their religious rights (Islam), ethnic identity and their collective ethnic interests. Throughout the second phase, the indigenous Muslim leaders were motivated by the Muslim community’s political rights and Labuan’s independence under the Malaysia proposal. The British attitudes towards the increased political awareness among the indigenous Muslim community leaders were generally accommodative. The indigenous Muslim community leaders were given opportunities to take part in the political activities. However, the political participation of the indigenous Muslim community was rather limited as Muslim leaders were incapacitated from playing greater political roles in the British colonial administration.Keywords: political participation, indigenous Muslim community, Labuan, British, Malaysia.


Author(s):  
Eriselda Shkopi ◽  
Zana Vathi

This paper focuses on processes of political integration for immigrants in the Italian context, constituting as it does an understudied topic. It does so by looking at one specific community, Albanian immigrants, who have been typically heavily stigmatized. While Albanian immigration in Italy has been a focus of previous research, no consideration so far has been given to naturalization and its influence on other political processes at the level of immigrants’ daily lives. Through the meanings which participants of this research attribute to citizenship and their acting as political agents, the paper unpacks the relations between this "status passage" (Glaser and Strauss 1971) and the political integration of immigrants. The findings show a very complex picture in which multiple factors and interactions play an important role. Legally speaking, Italian citizenship is a pre-condition for immigrants to enjoy the right to vote in elections at all levels, which participants considered a significant indicator of their political integration. Therefore, the political integration of immigrants is heavily conditioned by naturalization, which gives access to political rights, voice and representation as regulated at the state level. However, when considering the role of age and social capital in processes of political integration, there is also reason to believe that the political mobilization and participation of the youngest and most well-educated participants is not as exclusively attached to such formal recognition as a political subject.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v11i1.258


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