Determinants of U.S. Exports to China

2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Bosworth ◽  
Susan M. Collins
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
Peer Group ◽  
Initial Point ◽  
The United States ◽  
Market Size ◽  
Gravity Equations ◽  
Point Of Departure ◽  
The Eu

This paper examines U.S. goods trade with China, focusing on the performance of exports. Throughout the analysis, we explore whether U.S. trade is unusual by contrasting it with trade from Japan and the EU-15.1 The issue is examined from three perspectives: the commodity composition of exports, the role of multinational corporations (MNCs), and the determinants of trade as specified in a formal “gravity model.” As an initial point of departure, we show that the commodity composition of U.S. exports to China is similar to the pattern of exports to the world as a whole, and that the operations of U.S. MNCs have only minor implications for trade with China. Consequently, we emphasize the estimation of a set of “gravity equations” that explore the role of market size and distance from the United States. Distance exerts a surprisingly large effect on trade. Finally, although exports to China may be a small share of U.S. GDP, they are relatively substantial compared to U.S. exports to other countries. In other words, the measure of U.S. trade performance in China is distorted by the low level of its exports to all countries. We present evidence that the United States underperforms as an exporter relative to a peer group of high-income European countries and Japan.

scholarly journals EUROPEAN UNION’S QUEST FOR STRATEGIC AUTONOMY AND BIDEN’S FOREIGN POLICY

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2/2021) ◽  
pp. 29-44
Author(s):  
Milan Igrutinovic
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
First Year ◽  
Slow Recovery ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Strategic Autonomy ◽  
The Eu

Over the last decade the EU has faced challenges on numerous fronts: economic crisis and slow recovery, refugee crisis, terrorism, Brexit, lack of effectiveness of its foreign and security policy. In recent years, the EU has put new effort to define its purpose and standing in international relations, and it seeks to become strategically autonomous actor. That means an actor with the ability to set priorities and make decisions. As the role of the United States is still pre-eminent in the security of Europe, the EU-US relations have a special bearing on that EU’s ambition. In this paper we provide an overview of the relations between these two actors with the focus on the first year of Joseph Biden presidency, and we argue that through a complex interaction the EU will seek to define its policies independently of the United States, wishing to expand its space for maneuver and action.

scholarly journals The World in the XXI Century: the Dilemmas of Polarity

2021 ◽  
Vol 105 (5) ◽  
pp. 5-18
Author(s):  
Mikhail Nosov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
Economic Competition ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
The World ◽  
The Future ◽  
Spanish Flu ◽  
The Eu

COVID-19 pandemic started one century after Spanish flu epidemic that killed about 40 million people. It ended as unexpectedly as it began, and was followed by the Paris Conference of 1919, which gave start to the Versailles system, planned as a new system of eternal peace, but collapsed 20 years later. The same happened with the Yalta system at the end of XX centure. Today, the configuration of the world is in the process of changes. The USSR disappeared from the political map of the world, and new world centers appeared with different views on global politics. The interests of the United States, Russia, China, and EU-27 do not coincide, and often contradict each other. Today, with a certain degree of probability, one can speak of the formation of a "new bipolarity", where the United States? NATO and the EU enter into an economic, political and potentially a military confrontation with China and Russia. The future of this system will largely depend on both the outcome of economic competition between the West and China and the level of development of relations between China and Russia. The current pandemic, let's hope, will also end someday, and humanity will be able to create a system of bipolar or multipolar interstate relations that will reliably protect the world from epidemics and wars. This article examines the prospects for the formation of a multipolar world and the future role of Russia

German diplomacy averts Greek-Turkish conflict for now

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
The United States ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Common Position ◽  
The Eu

Significance The role of Germany, holder of the six-month EU presidency, has been crucial in averting war between Greece and Turkey. However, the EU has found it difficult to reach a common position on whether to impose sanctions against Turkish interests and has struggled to devise a clear strategy in the Eastern Mediterranean. Impacts Greece's military role in the Eastern Mediterranean will expand now that it is the most reliable US ally in the region. The EU will focus on a positive agenda with Turkey including the customs union and generous aid for migrants, at Germany's initiative. Greece will proceed with major arms purchases from France, the United States and other countries.

Trans-Atlantic Relations in Germany's Foreign Policy

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (11) ◽  
pp. 38-46
Author(s):  
A. Kokeev
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The West ◽  
German Government ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Eu

Relations between Germany, the US and NATO today are the core of transatlantic links. After the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, NATO has lost its former importance to Germany which was not a "frontline state" anymore. The EU acquired a greater importance for German politicians applying both for certain political independence and for establishing of a broad partnership with Russia and China. The task of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) development has been regarded by Berlin as a necessary component of the NATO's transformation into a “balanced Euro-American alliance”, and the realization of this project as the most important prerequisite for a more independent foreign policy. Germany’s refusal to support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 led to the first serious crisis in US Germany relations. At the same time, there was no radical break of the deeply rooted Atlanticism tradition in German policy. It was Angela Merkel as a new head of the German government (2005) who managed to smooth largely disagreements in relations with the United States. Atlanticism remains one of the fundamental foreign policy elements for any German government, mostly because Berlin’s hope for deepening of the European integration and transition to the EU CFSP seems unrealistic in the foreseeable future. However, there is still a fundamental basis of disagreements emerged in the transatlantic relationship (reduction of a military threat weakening Berlin’s dependence from Washington, and the growing influence of Germany in the European Union). According to the federal government's opinion, Germany's contribution to the NATO military component should not be in increasing, but in optimizing of military expenses. However, taking into account the incipient signs of the crisis overcoming in the EU, and still a tough situation around Ukraine, it seems that in the medium-term perspective one should expect further enhancing of Germany’s participation in NATO military activities and, therefore, a growth in its military expenses. In Berlin, there is a wide support for the idea of the European army. However, most experts agree that it can be implemented only when the EU develops the Common Foreign and Defense Policy to a certain extent. The US Germany espionage scandals following one after another since 2013 have seriously undermined the traditional German trust to the United States as a reliable partner. However, under the impact of the Ukrainian conflict, the value of military-political dimension of Germany’s transatlantic relations and its dependence on the US and NATO security guarantees increased. At the same time, Washington expects from Berlin as a recognized European leader a more active policy toward Russia and in respect of some other international issues. In the current international political situation, the desire to expand political influence in the world and achieve a greater autonomy claimed by German leaders seems to Berlin only possible in the context of transatlantic relations strengthening and solidarity within the NATO the only military-political organization of the West which is able to ensure the collective defense for its members against the external threats. However, it is important to take into consideration that not only the value of the United States and NATO for Germany, but also the role of Germany in the North Atlantic Alliance as a “representative of European interests” has increased. The role of Germany as a mediator in establishing the West–Russia relations remains equally important.

Northern Europe by 2030: Contours and Algorithms of Development

2011 ◽  
pp. 59-69
Author(s):  
K. Voronov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Development Process ◽  
Driving Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Northern Europe ◽  
Relative Reduction ◽  
The Status ◽  
External Driving ◽  
The Eu

The author proposes a forecast concerning the development of the Northern Europe countries up to 2030. The region is in direct dependence on international political developments. At least, these include: global change of the West’s role and place in the next world; the relative reduction of the role of the United States in the system of the Transatlantic connections; transformation of the EU as an independent “center of power”. Therefore, it is important to assess not only different national factors and correlation between internal and external driving forces in their development process, but also some “invariables” relating to the status of states under consideration.

scholarly journals The Role of Reunified Germany in Poland’s Accession to NATO and the European Union

Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (6(75)) ◽  
pp. 51-74
Author(s):  
Józef Fiszer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Eu

The study is devoted to Poland’s accession to NATO and the European Union (EU) and describes Germany’s stance on Poland’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations after 1989, which, despite various assessments, was not explicit and enthusiastic. However, it evolved gradually and was determined by a difficult internal situation after the reunification of Germany and its new geopolitics and geoeconomics. For Germany that reunified on 3 October 1990, an issue of greater importance than Polish accession to NATO and the EU was the presence of Soviet troops on the territory of the former GDR and normalization of relations with neighbors, particularly with France, Poland, the Soviet Union, and the United States. Both France and the United Kingdom, as well as the Soviet Union, and to a lesser extent, the United States initially were afraid of a reunified Germany and opposed Polish membership in Euro-Atlantic structures. At the time, hopes and fears were rife about the future of Europe. A common question was being asked in Paris, London, Moscow, Washington, and Warsaw – would reunified Germany remain a European state, or would Europe become German? Should Germany stay in NATO or leave after the reunification? There were questions also about Moscow’s policy towards reunified Germany and its position on Poland’s accession to Euro-Atlantic structures. Unfortunately, for a long time, it was negative. Today, thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the reunification of Germany, we can see that the black scenarios that were outlined in 1989-1990 did not actually come true. Despite the fears, those events opened the way for Poland to “return to Europe” and to gain membership in Euro-Atlantic structures, i.e., NATO and the European Union (EU). The path was not at all simple and it was not easy for Poland to make it through. In the study the author analyses subjective and objective difficulties related to Poland's accession to NATO and the EU and describes the evolution and role of Germany in this process.

scholarly journals Rethinking Financial Rewards for Whistle- Blowers Under the Proposal for a Directive on the Protection of Whistle-blowers Reporting Breaches of EU Law

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-49
Author(s):  
Dimitrios Kafteranis
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Commission ◽  
Financial Sector ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Other ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
The Eu

The European Commission recently published a proposal for a Directive on the protection of whistle-blowers reporting breaches of EU law. This proposal is welcomed not only by the legal community but also by many citizens who desire more transparency. The recent scandals revealed by whistle-blowers along with the active role of the European Parliament have led the European Commission to propose this important text of the proposed Directive. The whistle-blower is recognised as an enforcement tool for the EU and is a key component in helping to ensure the successful enforcement of EU law. There is one element, however, that is not discussed by the European Commission: financial rewards for the whistle-blowers.1 The United States, especially in the financial sector, has adopted a system of financial awards. Europe, on the other hand, is resistant to introducing such incentives. The aim of this paper is to introduce the proposal for a Directive and to highlight the problems that such a step may create at the EU level.

scholarly journals Energy Problems in USA-UE Foreign Policy: Between Independence and Interdependence

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (8) ◽  
pp. 226-235
Author(s):  
O. Khlopov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Cognitive Approach ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Eu

The article is devoted to the study of energy problems in the foreign policy of the EU and the United States. The analysis of the paper is formed on a cognitive approach in analyzing the foreign policy making process and explores the relationship between energy and foreign policy of the EU and the USA. Based on the comparative method, the study races the role of the energy factor in shaping the foreign policy of the European Union and the United States. Although the US is the world's largest hydrocarbon producer and net exporter of energy, mainly due to its shale deposits, the EU remains the world's largest energy importer. This significant difference provides an opportunity to compare the role of energy in the foreign policy process of the two participants with completely different potential for the production and export, mostly of hydrocarbon resources. The author argues that the energy security strategies of both actors are based on interaction of material and ideological factors, but they have different ideas about the interests that generate their foreign policy behavior.

scholarly journals Donald Trump and European Allies: American Experts on the Future of NATO

2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-15
Author(s):  
Yuri Goloub ◽  
◽  
Sergei Shenin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Defense Spending ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Pivot To Asia ◽  
Expert Community ◽  
Trump Administration ◽  
The Eu

The article analyzes the perception in the United States of the Trump administration‟s policy regarding NATO, the role of European countries, and the possibility of reforming the alliance. In the context of comparing this policy with the efforts of previous administrations, the authors study the attitudes of the most active political expert groups (liberals, realists, conservatives, and neoconservatives). It is concluded that the vast majority of the expert community considers it necessary to transform relations with the allies in the context of the ongoing bipartisan strategy of “pivot to Asia”, which implies an increase in European countries‟ defense spending with the EU being responsible for the security on the continent. All leading political expert groups agree that Trump‟s policy is generally consistent with this strategy, but its effectiveness is evaluated differently. It is assumed that the presidential victory of J. Biden will mean accelerating the implementation of the strategy of “pivot to Asia” and an autonomizaton of the defense potential of Europe.

International Law as Faith. The Cuban Intervention and the Narrative of 1898

2019 ◽  
pp. 57-86
Author(s):  
Paolo Amorosa
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Ambivalent Relationship ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
Us Intervention ◽  
Point Of Departure

The second chapter illustrates the function of faith in James Brown Scott’s theory of international law through an account of his understanding of the role of the United States in American continental relations. Section 1 introduces James Brown Scott’s 1917 speech on the Platt Amendment. Taking the speech as a point of departure, it traces the connection between the rise of international law and US–Cuba relations at the turn of the century. Section 2 describes the rise of humanitarianism in the United States in the late nineteenth century and its religious inspiration. This development would provide the ideological foundations for the narrative of the selfless empire that supported the 1898 US intervention in Cuba. Section 3 begins with a textual analysis of Scott’s speech and connects it with the narrative of 1898. It continues by illustrating the ambivalent relationship of the narrative with concrete US policies toward Cuba and Latin America in the early twentieth century.

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