Art, Science, And Anthropology: Co-Creating Knowledge And Building Peace In Colombia

Leonardo ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Alejandro Valencia-Tobon

Abstract After signing a peace agreement with FARC guerrillas in November 2016, Colombia is transitioning from almost six decades of violence to a post-conflict period. In such a process, members of society have to re-establish dialogue and learn to co-exist. Based on a participatory art approach used during a science project that involved ex-combatants, community leaders and biology researchers, this paper presents research methods that combine art and design exercises to advance scientific knowledge. Participants contributed to and developed new ways of understanding biological knowledge, and their collaboration also forged mutual trust and built towards peace in the region.

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 469
Author(s):  
Fitri Yanti ◽  
Eni Amaliah

Abstrak: This study discusses the Post-Conflict of South Lampung, seeing that the more frequent and easy our people explode with anger without being accompanied by ratios and common sense, so that anger is resolved in an anarchist manner in the form of murder, destruction and even massacre. Moral destructive events and even the dimensions of ethnicity, religion and culture should not be repeated again, it is feared that the Indonesian people will become a sick society that does not prioritize peace and mutual interests and the sick community because this country is increasingly populated by citizens with bad images that are not civilized society. The author uses a qualitative design of sampling. This paper presents alternatives in building a process of post-conflict social communication to build tolerance, inclusiveness and respect for plurality and communicative dialogue between people by creating harmonious relations between religious communities with approaches to strengthening noble values that are packaged with local government policies by giving authority to legal apparatus for violations that occur and facilitate cultural and community leaders in the context of the conflict space peace agreement to the lower community so that the community can maintain and maintain plurality by being able to live side by side.الملخص: بحثت هذه الدراسة في الوضع بعد الصراع في لامبونج الجنوبية، نظرا إلى سهولة وسرعة نشوء غضب المجتمع وتكرّر وقوعه دون أن يشاركه تفكير سليم صحيح منهم، حتى أدى هذا الغضب إلى اتخاذ أسلوب العنف – في التغلب عليه – كالقتل والتدمير بل وقتل الناس. والمفروض أن لا تقع هذه الوقائع المفسدة للأخلاق ثانية، بل ويدخل فيها بعد القبيلة، والدين والثقافة . وخِيف أن يكون المجتمع الأندونيسي مجتمعا مريضا لا يهتم بالأمن والسلامة والشؤون الجماعية، ويكون مريضا لكثرة المواطنين المتّسمين بسيمة سيّئة (مجتمع غير مدني). استخدم الباحث في هذا البحث المنهج الكيفي وأخذ العيّنة. حاولت هذه الدراسة عرض الاختيارات في بناء التواصل الإجتماعي بعد النزاع وهي بثّ روح التسامح، والانفتاح، والاعتبار  بوجود التعددية  واستمرارية بناء التواصل بين الأمم أو المجتمعات على أساس التراحم فيما بينهم بمدخل تقوية القيم الكريمة في ضوء قرارات الحكومة المحلية بإعطاء السلطة لرجال القضاء على جميع أشكال انتهاك القانون  وتوظيف رجال الثقافة والمجتمع في سياق اتفاق السلام حتى المجتمع عامة كي يحافظوا على التعدّدية ويعيشوا آمنين فيما بينهم.Abstrakt: Kajian ini membahas tentang Pasca Konflik Lampung Selatan, melihat semakin sering dan mudahnya masyarakat kita meledak amarahnya tanpa diiringi dengan rasio dan akal sehat, sehingga amarah tersebut diselesaikan dengan cara anarkis yang berupa pembunuhan, perusakan bahkan pembantaian. Seharusnya kejadian-kejadian yang merusak moral bahkan membawa dimensi suku, agama dan budaya ini tidak terulang kembali justru dikhawatirkan masyarakat Indonesia menjadi masyarakat sakit yang tidak mengedepankan kedamaian dan kepentingan bersama serta masyarakat sakit karena negeri ini semakin banyak dihuni oleh warga dengan citra buruk yang tidak civilized society. Penulis menggunakan rancangan kualitatif pengambilan sampel. Tulisan ini memaparkan alternatif dalam membangun proses komunikasi social pasca konflik membangun sikap toleran, inklusif dan menghargai pluralitas serta komunikatif melakukan dialog antar umat yaitu dengan menciptakan keharmonisan hubungan antar umat beragama dengan pendekatan penguatan nilai-nilai luhur yang dikemas dengan kebijakan pemerintah setempat dengan memberikan kewenangan kepada para aparat hukum atas pelanggaran yang terjadi dan memfasilitasi tokoh-tokoh budaya dan masyarakat pada konteks ruang konflik kesepakatan damai hingga masyarakat bawah sehingga masyarakat dapat menjaga dan merawat kemajemukan dengan bisa hidup berdampingan.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Binetti ◽  
Martin C. Steinwand

International aid plays an important role in the reconstruction of war-torn societies after the end of civil war, but its effectiveness depends on whether aid reaches the neediest recipients. We study how power sharing in Nepal's post-conflict transition affected the political capture of aid. We argue that despite the explicit inclusion of disadvantaged groups in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement from 2006 and the Interim Constitution, regions that neither aligned with the Maoist rebels nor the government during the civil war remained politically disadvantaged. A possible causal mechanism is the low threat potential of non-combatant groups, which results in under-representation during peace negotiations and in post-conflict institutions. We present statistical evidence that districts in which neither the government nor the Maoist rebels (CPN(M)) had political support during the conflict receive systematically less aid during the post-conflict period, regardless of economic need or damage caused by fighting. At the same time, support for the CPN(M) during the conflict is a significant predictor for higher post-conflict aid flows, but only in times when the CPN(M) holds government office.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 657-664
Author(s):  
Takdir Ali Mukti ◽  
Tulus Warsito ◽  
Sidiq Ahmadi ◽  
Bambang Cipto ◽  
Husni Amriyanto Putra

Purpose of the study: The paper examines the waves of criticism on the Indonesian government's violations in the implementation of the Helsinki agreement 2005 between Indonesia and the Aceh National Liberation Front (GAM). The question is, why the Aceh government which is controlled by GAM is retaining and loyal to the peace treaty when the Government of Indonesia has less attention. The objective of this research is to identify the latent interest in the post-conflict period. Methodology: By the qualitative method, data from the Aceh region were collected by interviewing selected informants from stakeholders in parliament, bureaucrats, academicians, local parties' leaders, and ex-combatants. Main Findings: The findings show that the existence of the idea of self-government in Aceh societies is still maintained, and peace agreement becomes a new document of struggle in a democratic system. Applications of this study: This research is useful for those who involved in the peace agreement including the Conflict Management Initiative and the European Union who initiated the peace to find common ground on the issue of the implementation of all points in the agreement which has not been realized until now. Novelty/Originality of this study: The research argues that Aceh government that dominated by GAM exponents, has efforts to defend the treaty as a legal-political instrument to reach the self-government’s status with its main elements namely local parties, the Aceh Guardian institutions, and recognition of Aceh society with flag and hymn as continuity of ideological movement. It implicates the dynamic of relations between the center and the regional government.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002200272110130
Author(s):  
Robert A. Blair ◽  
Benjamin S. Morse

How does violence during civil war shape citizens’ willingness to trust and rely on state security providers in the post-conflict period? Can post-conflict security sector reform restore perceptions of state security forces among victims of wartime state predation? Using a survey and field experiment in Liberia, we show that rebel-perpetrated violence is strongly positively correlated with trust and reliance on the police after conflict is over, while state-perpetrated violence is not. Victims of wartime state predation are, however, more likely to update their priors about the police in response to positive interactions with newly reformed police officers. We also show that abuses committed by police officers in the post-conflict period are negatively correlated with citizens’ perceptions of the police, potentially counteracting the positive effects of security sector reform. We corroborate our quantitative findings with detailed qualitative observations of interactions between civilians and police officers in the field.


2011 ◽  
pp. 241-254
Author(s):  
Mitra Reljic

Due to frequent interethnic crises, territory occupations and other similar life circumstances, the Slavic population of Kosovo and Metohija, particularly the Serbs, have been too often forced to disquise their linguistic and national identities. In terms of its range of practice and of aspects of manifestation, this phenomenon, here referred to by the term cryptoglossia, was especially evident in the early post-conflict period at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century. The paper discusses the causes, different aspects of manifestation, and consequences of the phenomenon, illustrating them with a number of examples taken from our study material.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eli Jaffe ◽  
Roman Sonkin ◽  
Evan Avraham Alpert ◽  
Erik Zerath

ABSTRACT Background Decreases in routine healthcare practices have been shown to occur during disasters. However, research regarding the impacts of natural disasters, pandemics, or military conflicts on emergency medical services (EMS) is scarce. Objectives This study assessed the impact of a military conflict versus the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic on a national EMS organization in terms of responses to overall daily emergencies, medical illnesses, motor vehicle collisions, and other injuries. Methods This retrospective comparative cohort study assessed daily routine emergency ambulance calls to Magen David Adom (MDA), Israel’s national EMS organization. This included overall emergency calls as well as those related to medical illnesses, motor vehicle collisions (MVCs), and other injuries. All data were obtained from the MDA command and control database. During the military conflict Operation Protective Edge (2014), the civilian population was subjected to intensive rocket attacks for 24 days, followed by 26 days of a progressive withdrawal of operations and then to a post-conflict period. During the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic (March-April 2020), the population was subjected to 32 days of total lockdown, followed by 27 days of progressive relief of confinement, and then to a post-lockdown period. Results The total number of emergency calls in this study was 330,430. During the conflict, the mean number of daily calls decreased, followed by an increase during Relief and Post-Conflict with higher values in Post-Conflict than in Pre-Conflict. During the COVID-19 pandemic, there was a decrease in the mean daily number of calls during Lockdown. It remained low during Relief and increased during Post-Lockdown. However, it remained lower in Post-Lockdown than during Pre-Lockdown. Calls related to medical illnesses decreased during the conflict and during the lockdown. The post-conflict period was characterized by a similar baseline call magnitude but not during the post-lockdown period. Decreases in calls for MVC and other injuries were significant during the lockdown but not during the military conflict. Post-lockdown was accompanied by return to baseline call volumes for MVC, whereas calls for other injuries increased above baseline both after the lockdown and military conflict. Conclusion This study shows decreasing trends in routine daily calls for EMS during both Operation Protective Edge and COVID-19. However, different patterns of needs for EMS were evidenced for medical illnesses, MVC, or calls concerning other injuries. These results are instrumental for managing the operational demands of EMS during military conflicts and pandemics.


Author(s):  
Lidija Georgieva

This article will focus on theoretical and practical dilemmas related to the concept of peace governance, and within this context on the possible transformative role of peace education trough facilitation of contact between communities in conflict. The basic assumption is that violent conflicts in the Balkans have been resolved trough negotiated settlements and peace agreements. Yet, education strategy including peace education and its impact on post-conflict peacebuilding and reconciliation are underestimated. Peace governance is recognized as a dynamic but challenging process often based on institutional and policy arrangements aimed to at least settle conflict dynamics or in some cases even to provide more sustainable peace after signing of negotiated settlement in multicultural societies. We will argue that education in general is one of the critical issues of peace governance arrangements that could facilitate peacebuilding and create a contact platform between communities. The first question addressed in this article is to what extend peace agreements refer to education as an issue and the second one relate to the question if education is included in peace agreement to what extent it contributes for contact between different conflicting communities. Although it is widely accepted that contacts between former adversaries contributes for multicultural dialogue it is less known or explained if and in what way peace agreements provisions on education facilitate contact and transformation of conflicting relations.


Author(s):  
James Waller

A Troubled Sleep: Risk and Resilience in Contemporary Northern Ireland revisits one of the world’s most deeply divided societies more than 20 years after a peace agreement brought an end to the Troubles. The book asks if the conflict, while perhaps managed and contained, has been transformed—structurally and relationally—into a win-win situation for both sides. It addresses this question by drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, comparative research, and more than 110 hours of face-to-face interviews with politicians, activists, community workers, former political prisoners, former (and sometimes current) paramilitary members, academics, journalists, mental health practitioners, tour guides, school teachers, museum curators, students, police and military personnel, legal experts, and religious leaders across Northern Ireland. The heart of the book analyzes Northern Ireland’s current vulnerabilities and points of resilience as an allegedly “post-conflict” society. The vulnerabilities are analyzed through a model of risk assessment that examines the longer term and slower moving structures, measures, society-wide conditions, and processes that leave societies vulnerable to violent conflict. Such risk factors include the interpretation of conflict history, how authority in a country is exercised, and the susceptibility to social disharmony, isolation, and fragmentation. Resilience is examined from a survey of the countering influences, both within and outside Northern Ireland, that are working diligently to confirm humanity by reducing or reversing these vulnerabilities. The book concludes by examining the accelerating factors in contemporary Northern Ireland that may lead to an escalation of crisis as well as the triggering factors that could spark the onset of violent conflict itself.


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