Art Communities at Risk: On Cuba

October ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 135-143
Author(s):  
Coco Fusco ◽  
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actions

Abstract The article discusses the political actions of Cuban artist group 27N, including a conversation with some of its members and one of its manifestoes.

Political risks of recovering and discovering meanings in the collective memory of a perverse religious organisation

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-47
Author(s):  
Eduardo Acuña Aguirre
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Abuse ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Influences ◽  
Conversion Event ◽  
Political Risks ◽  
Political Actions ◽  
The Catholic Church

This article refers to the political risks that a group of five parishioners, members of an aristocratic Catholic parish located in Santiago, Chile, had to face when they recovered and discovered unconscious meanings about the hard and persistent psychological and sexual abuse they suffered in that religious organisation. Recovering and discovering meanings, from the collective memory of that parish, was a sort of conversion event in the five parishioners that determined their decision to bring to the surface of Chilean society the knowledge that the parish, led by the priest Fernando Karadima, functioned as a perverse organisation. That determination implied that the five individuals had to struggle against powerful forces in society, including the dominant Catholic Church in Chile and the political influences from the conservative Catholic elite that attempted to ignore the existence of the abuses that were denounced. The result of this article explains how the five parishioners, through their concerted political actions and courage, forced the Catholic Church to recognise, in an ambivalent way, the abuses committed by Karadima. The theoretical basis of this presentation is based on a socioanalytical approach that mainly considers the understanding of perversion in organisations and their consequences in the control of anxieties.

Sharp rise in vaccine hesitancy in a large and representative sample of the French population: reasons for vaccine hesitancy.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Sophie Hacquin ◽  
Sacha Altay ◽  
Emma de Araujo ◽  
Coralie Chevallier ◽  
Hugo Mercier
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
Educational Level ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Vaccine Hesitancy ◽  
The Political ◽  
French Population ◽  
Sharp Rise ◽  
Vaccine Refusal ◽  
French People ◽  
Nationally Representative

A safe and effective COVID-19 vaccine is our only hope to decisively stop the spread of the SARS-CoV-2. But a vaccine will only be fully effective if a significant share of the population agrees to get it. Five consecutive surveys of a large, nationally representative sample (N = 1000 for each wave) surveyed attitudes towards a future COVID-19 vaccine in France from May 2020 to October 2020. We found that COVID-19 vaccine refusal has steadily increased, reaching an all-time high with only 23% of participants willing to probably or certainly take a future COVID-19 vaccine in September 2020. Vaccine hesitant individuals are more likely to be women, young, less educated, to vote at the political extremes, to be dissatisfied with the government’s response to the COVID-19 crisis, and to feel less at risk of COVID-19. The reasons why French people would refuse to take the COVID-19 vaccine are similar to those offered for other vaccines, and these reasons are strikingly stable across gender, age and educational level. Finally, most French people declare they would not take the vaccine as soon as possible but would instead rather wait or not take it at all.

Return of the Natives: Explaining the Development and Non-Development of Political Action by Indigenous Peoples in Democratic Political Systems

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-480
Author(s):  
Lee E. Dutter
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
North America ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Present Treatment ◽  
Or Groups ◽  
Torres Strait ◽  
Political Actions

Studies of individuals or groups who might use violence or terrorism in pursuit of political goals often focus on the specific actions which these individuals or groups have taken and on the policies which defenders (that is, governments of states) against such actions may adopt in response. Typically, less attention is devoted to identifying the relevant preconditions of political action and possible escalation to violence and how or why potential actions may be obviated before they occur. In the context of democratic political systems, the present analysis addresses these issues via examination of indigenous peoples, who typically constitute tiny fractions of the population of the states or regions in which they reside, in terms of their past and present treatment by governments and the political actions, whether non-violent or violent, which individuals from these peoples have engaged or may engage. The specific peoples examined are Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders of Australia, Haudenosaunee of North America, Inuit of Canada, Maori of New Zealand, and Saami of Scandinavia.

scholarly journals Political participation of the participants in the protests against dictatorship

Sociologija ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 452-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelena Pesic
Keyword(s):  
Educational Material ◽  
Social Goals ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Collective Actions ◽  
Positive Relation ◽  
The Past ◽  
High Degree ◽  
Collective Engagement ◽  
Political Actions

The aim of this paper is to determine the extent to which participants in the Protests against Dictatorship were ready to engage in various forms of collective action over the past three years. In accordance with Pippa Norris? division of the repertoire of actions on those oriented towards the problems of citizens and directed towards decision-makers in the political sphere and repertoires oriented towards the broader social goals, and with corresponding distinction between the traditional and modern agencies of collective actions, we tried to test the hypothesis that participants in the Protests against Dictatorship show a relatively high degree of readiness to engage in both traditional and contemporary forms of collective engagement. In addition, we tried to examine the claim that contemporary repertoires of collective actions will be more strongly represented among the younger population, as well as the thesis that the level of engagement will be in a positive relation with the resources that participants in the protest posses (educational, material, organizational, social, etc.). Finally, we tested the hypothesis that readiness to participate in civic and political actions is growing with a degree of trust in the institutions of representative democracy, but also with an assessment of the importance of a democratic political order. The hypotheses were tested on empirical data obtained through a survey of protest participants conducted during April and May 2017.

scholarly journals Bodily abjection and the politics of resistance in Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Torrance
Keyword(s):  
Open Channel ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
The Status ◽  
Politics Of Resistance ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Political Actions

Abstract Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies present extremes of bodily abjection in order to service of a politics of resistance that is tied, in each case, to the political context of the drama’s production. The Riot Act (1984), Seize the Fire (1989), and Medea (2010), share a focus on the degradation of oppressed political groups and feature characters who destabilize the status quo. Yet the impact of disruptive political actions is not ultimately made clear. We are left wondering at the conclusion of each tragedy if the momentous acts of defiance we have witnessed have any power to create systemic change within politically rigged systems. The two 1980s plays are discussed together and form a sequence, with The Riot Act overtly addressing the Northern Irish conflict and Seize the Fire encompassing a broader sweep of oppressive regimes. The politics of discrimination in Medea are illuminated by comparison with similar themes in Paulin’s Love’s Bonfire (2010). Unlike other Northern Irish adaptations of Greek tragedy, Paulin’s dramas, arrested in their political moments, present little hope for the immediate future. Yet in asking us to consider if individual sacrifice is enough to achieve radical change they maintain an open channel for political discourse.

scholarly journals Racionalización y poder La cuestión de la legitimidad en Weber como referente de la acción política

2017 ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Nicolás Fleet
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Max Weber ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legitimacy Theory ◽  
General Will ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Social Interests ◽  
Political Actions

ResumenEste artículo desarrolla, en tres pasos, una perspectiva original de la teoría de la dominación de Max Weber. El primer paso establece un vínculo necesario entre las formas típicas de dominación política y los intereses sociales, de modo que toda acción política debe legitimarse ante el interés general. El segundo paso explica las crisis de legitimación como una respuesta a cambios de identidad en la base social de la dominación política, de tal forma que se introduce un concepto dinámico de legitimidad. El tercer paso establece que los valores que habitan en las formas legitimas de dominación política son usados como orientaciones simbólicas por parte de intereses sociales y acciones políticas particulares, de manera que toda forma de legitimación de la autoridad encierra, en sus propias premisas, los argumentos que justifican luchas políticas hacia la modificación de los esquemas de dominación.Palabras clave: legitimidad, dominación, acción política, democratización.Abstract This article develops, in three steps, an orignal perspective of Weber’s legitimacy theory. The first one, establishes a necessary link that exists between the typical forms of legitimate domination and the social interests, in such a way that every political action that purse the realization of its interests has to legitimate itself before the general will. The second explains the legitimation crises as a response to indentity changes at the social base of the political domination and, in so doing, it introduces a dinamic concept of legitimacy. The third step states that the values that dwell in legitimate forms of political domination are used as symbolic orientations by particular social intersts and political actions, in a way that each form of authority legitimation encapsulate, in its own premises, the arguments that justify political struggles aiming toward the modification of the domination schemes.Key words: legitimacy, domination, political action, democratization.

LEGITIMITET VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA – IDEALIZAM BEZ REALNOG UPORIŠTA

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslav Đorđević ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Road ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Election Results ◽  
New Nation ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Political Actions ◽  
First World

The Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (KSHS) of 1921 had for its goal to constitutionalize the organization of the new state, created after the end of the First World War: its organization of government, human and minority rights and freedoms, etc. and also to establish a new nation – the so called "nation with three names" or "three-tribe nation", i.e. – Yugoslavs, as the bearer of the identity of the new state. KSHS was to reconcile not only the nations with different history, mentality and language, but also nations who fought each other fiercely just until a few years back before the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution. The constitutionalization of a unitary state in which the official language is "Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian" (which as such simply does not exist), ignored clear signals that the essential legitimacy for such state does not exist in a significant part of the country. The analysis of the political activities of the parties, their programs and the election results in the western territories of what was soon to become KSHS (especially in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia – back then within the Austro-Hungary) shows a distinct anti-Serbian and especially anti-Yugoslav narrative since the middle of the 19th century and the political actions of Ante Starčević, Eugen Kvaternik, later Ivo Pilar and others. It is also clear that such chauvinist, extreme political standpoints, present to a far greater extent to be simply ignored, would turn out to be too much of a burden for the new state and nation, as well as for the Vidovdan Constitution itself, indirectly leading to its infamous end, declaration of dictatorship, assassination of King Alexander Karađorđević and finally the disintegration of the state and horrendous atrocities and genocide against Serbs in the Independent state of Croatia (NDH). In a certain way, the Vidovdan Constitution, due to the shortcomings in its legitimacy, traced the road to hell – paved with good intentions.

Rehearsing In-Difference

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald Siegmund
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
Emotional Response ◽  
Critical Line ◽  
Social Practices ◽  
The Political ◽  
Pina Bausch

European choreographers Pina Bausch and Jérôme Bel share a critical line of inquiry into the established dance practices of their time, putting both the identity of their subjects and the identity of the genre of dance at risk. By addressing and including their own rehearsal processes in the performance, Bausch and Bel play with their own aesthetic strategies and their coming into being as social practices. As the author argues, the political, here, lies in the blurring of definite and defining categories, thus creating ambivalent and polyvalent scenes that defy explanation. Yet, Bausch and Bel’s work on repetition also produces an excess of energy that blurs distinctions and differences. As an emotional response to a rhythm that is created out of the in-difference to difference, this force undoes what subjects have learned socially. It is here that their freedom lies.

scholarly journals ‘To Act upon one's Time …’ From the impulse to resist to global political strategy

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgit Müller
Keyword(s):  
Food Security ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Resistance ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Strategic Action ◽  
Political Actions

This article reflects on the possibilities for political action emerging out of quotidian engagements. Following controversies on the patenting of seeds in Canada and globally within the Committee for Food Security I explore what gave the impulse for political resistance in these different arenas. How did collective action emerge and how did it sustain itself? Three political concepts are important for understanding the political actions that I observed: Eigen-Sinn, empathy and strategy. These allowed me to follow and theorize political engagements. I first reflect on the potential to resist as a capacity of all human beings, because they have Eigen-Sinn: the capacity to attribute their own meanings to things, and act in their own self-interested way according to the meaning given. Self-interested action can only become political, however, when humans go beyond their strictly individual interests and empathize with others (humans and nonhumans), what Adorno described as getting into ‘live contact with the warmth of things’. Finally, I discuss how collective action can become not only possible, but also effective, by building and defending a space for strategic action.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document