EDUCATING THE MURID: THEORY AND PRACTICES OF EDUCATION IN AMADU BAMBA'S THOUGHT

2003 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 310-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheikh Anta Babou

AbstractThe scholarship on the Muridiyya focuses mainly on the examination of the political and economic aspects of the brotherhood. Dominant scholarly interpretations see the organisation as an effective instrument of adaptation to a turbulent period in history. Disgruntled Wolof farmers joined the Muridiyya as a way of adjusting to the new order brought about by the demise of the pre-colonial kingdoms and the establishment of French domination in Senegal, in the second half of the nineteenth century. Since the role of religious innovations and beliefs was considered peripheral in this process of adjustment, not much attention has been devoted to doctrinal and spiritual issues within the brotherhood. Emphasis had been put on the analysis of the socio-political context of the founding of the Murid brotherhood, and the economic and psychological incentives that might have motivated people to join the organisation. In contrast to this interpretation, I conceive of the Muridiyya as the result of a conscious decision by a Sufi shaikh who saw it primarily as a vehicle for religious change, but also for social and political transformation. Education was the principal tool for the realisation of this social change. This article describes and analyses Amadu Bamba's views on educational theory and practices and explores how his Sufi orientation shaped Murid pedagogy. It reveals the centrality of the theme of education in his writings, sermons and correspondence and documents the continuing influence of this education on the Murid ethos.

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-67
Author(s):  
Djaja Hendra ◽  
Endriatmo Soetarto ◽  
Arya H Dharmawan ◽  
Bambang Purwanto

This research about agrarian social change in Bangka. The method in this study uses structural Gramscian perspective and critical theory approach. The results of research has showed the role of intellectuals in the social change process. Its related to political dynamic in this area. After the new Order Era, the position of the intellectual very importance, especially in moving of mass aspiration. In this context, these change are realted to the role of the intellectual as a social entity forming the state and civil society well that the New Orde era and before the for the political leadership through organic intellectual actor. In the pos New Orde era more emphasizes the intellectual and moral leadership.


PMLA ◽  
1926 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 462-487
Author(s):  
Frederic D. Cheydleur

During the last two and a half years France has lost three great writers, Pierre Loti, Anatole France, and Maurice Barrès. Loti, because of his impressionistic novels of the most artistic kind which record his tireless quest of sensations in all countries of the world, France, because of his epicurean philosophy and Voltairean wit expressed in two-score works of the most finished style, and Barrès, because of his triple rôle of author, politician, and leader of traditionalism in France,—all three have left a profound influence on the contemporary literature of their country. Of these three, Barrès, in spite of the conceit of his early egotism, the narrowness of his nationalism, and the occasional arrogance of his confidence in the superiority of French culture, is by far the most highly endowed and representative; and on this account his work will receive more and more attention from serious students of the political, social, and literary movements of the last thirty years in France. He was one of the first to make his voice heard against the extreme naturalism of Zola and his school; he founded a group of enthusiastic young writers striving toward a new order of things; and, after a period of hesitation, he stood forth as the champion of the best traditions of his country. The purpose of this paper is not, however, to make a comparative study of the relative greatness of these three writers, but rather to trace the struggle between the classical and romantic elements in Barrès' composition, and to show that the latter were not only predominant in his first writings but continued to the end of his life as a strong undercurrent in his novels and books of travel.


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-366
Author(s):  
Riki Rahman ◽  
Faisal S Hazis

ICMI is inseparable with the rise of the middle class Muslim communities in Indonesia. This is because the roles and contributions of ICMI are very significant in the development of middle class Muslim communities. Although the establishment of ICMI has its pros and cons, it is undeniable that ICMI’s contributions towards development of the Muslim communities are huge. This article aims to identify the roles and contributions of ICMI in the development of middle class Muslim communities in Indonesia in the New Order era. The roles of ICMI are based on education and economic aspects, the consolidation of the Islamic movement in Indonesia aspects, and the political agenda aspects. Based on our findings, we conclude that ICMI is deemed to be the pioneer of middle class Muslim communities’ revival in Indonesia especially in the New Order era.[ICMI tidak dapat dipisahkan dengan kebangkitan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah di Indonesia. Hal ini disebabkan peran dan kontribusi ICMI sangat signifikan dalam perkembangan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah. Meskipun pendirian ICMI diliputi pro dan kontra, namun tidak dapat sangkal bahwa kontribusi ICMI terhadap pembangunan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah sangat besar. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi peran dan kontribusi ICMI terhadap perkembangan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah di Indonesia pada zaman Orde Baru. Peran ICMI ini ditinjau dari aspek pendidikan dan ekonomi, aspek konsolidasi gerakan Islam Indonesia, dan aspek agenda politik. Berdasarkan hasil penemuan, kami menyimpulkan bahwa ICMI dapat dianggap sebagai pelopor kebangkitan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah di Indonesia terutama pada zaman Orde Baru.]


2019 ◽  
pp. 39-56
Author(s):  
Andrzej Chmiel

This publication is an attempt to answer the question: what was the role of the criminal penalty, especially in its strictest form (summum supplicium) in the Roman legislation of Christian emperors? Finally, whether is it noticeable, based on the example of summum supplicium, that Christianity influenced the Roman criminal law in any way? As it has been demonstrated, the new state religion did not radically change the Roman criminal legislation. The legislation of the Christian emperors confirmed both, the division of society into servi and liberii that had existed for centuries in the Roman state and the diversity of the legal situation of individual social groups. Punishment in the legislation of Christian emperors continued to fulfil the role it had played in the previous centuries and became, even more than ever before, an essential tool for the political struggle of the present state authority. The finest example of this was the legislation of Constantine the Great, followed by all the severity of criminal repression which resulted in the issuing of this legal act. A great desire to bring about a new order, maintain power and even the fear of losing it can be detected in the strictness of the Constantine’s legislation. Finally, the once persecuted Christians began to behave like their previous persecutors.


Author(s):  
Sharath Srinivasan

When Peace Kills Politics explains the role of international peacemaking in reproducing violence and political authoritarianism in Sudan and South Sudan in recent decades. Srinivasan explains how Sudan’s landmark north–south peace process that achieved the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement fueled war in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and the Blue Nile alongside how it contributed to Sudan’s failed political transformation and newly independent South Sudan’s rapid descent into civil war. Concluding with the conspicuous absence of ‘peace’ when non-violent revolutionary political change came to Sudan in 2019, Srinivasan examines at close range why outsiders’ peace projects may displace civil politics and raise the political currency of violence. With an original contribution to theorizing peace and peacemaking drawing upon the political thought of Hannah Arendt, the book is an analysis of the tragic shortcomings of attempting to build a non-violent political realm through neat designs and tools of compulsion, where the end goal of peace becomes caught up in idealized constitutional texts, technocratic templates and deals on sharing spoils. When Peace Kills Politics demands a radical rethinking of the project of peace in civil wars, grounded in a more earnest commitment to civil political action.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 319-338
Author(s):  
Sharifah Munirah Alatas

Abstract What do Malaysians understand by the term, “intellectual”? Is the intellectual in the Malaysian context undefined, or insignificant? Do Malaysians see the need for intellectuals? Answers to these questions reflect the extant to which Malaysia has advanced in her post-colonial development. Amidst the race towards IR 4.0 and Society 5.0, Malaysia’s education system lags behind and leaders continue to be embroiled in identity politics. Syed Hussein Alatas, a world-renowned Malaysian intellectual, raised these questions in the 1950s. His writings focus on social change, corruption, and intellectual captivity. Even though his writings are easily accessible, his ideas have not been widely assimilated by Malaysia’s ruling elite, as part of the reform agenda. This article highlights the relevance of Alatas’s ideas in Malaysia’s current socio-political transformation. It concludes that leadership’s failure to identify relevant problems is because they have neglected the vital role of intellectuals, such as the critical ideas of Syed Hussein Alatas.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1 (25)) ◽  
pp. 114-124
Author(s):  
Denis A. Konovalov

The article is devoted to the study of modern African dictatorship in the context of the political and economic aspects of symbolic violence. The main characteristics of the symbolic system of economic violence are formulated. The role of the institutional environment in the context of the reproduction of African dictatorship from the perspective of symbolic violence is shown.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147447402091888
Author(s):  
Benedikt Schmid ◽  
Gerald Taylor Aiken

This article emerges from the simple observation that community-based social and environmental activists often engage with practices of mindfulness, either personally or collectively. It draws on two case studies, a UK-based Transition initiative and a community of social entrepreneurs in Germany. On the surface, social and environmental activists, committed to change in the ‘real world’, outward facing and public, jar with practices of ‘mindfulness’: personal and interior actions –‘private’. We argue that post-foundationalist understandings of community, particularly Nancy’s being-in-common – popularised within geography as ‘community economies’ – and the philosophical and spiritual roots of mindfulness are two lines of thought that provide clues to this co-occurrence. Going beyond understandings of collectivity that build on the coming together of preformed individuals or presuppose a common substance, we set the (Westernised) Buddhist influences on mindfulness, specifically the notion of interbeing, side by side with Nancy’s being-in-common. This article argues that both the political and spiritual aspects of activism are integral parts of social change. It concludes that post-foundational and Buddhist-inspired lines of thought cross-fertilise and chart a course towards transformative mindfulness.


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