scholarly journals ICMI and Its Roles in the Development of the Middle Class Muslim Communities in Indonesia in the New Order Era

2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-366
Author(s):  
Riki Rahman ◽  
Faisal S Hazis

ICMI is inseparable with the rise of the middle class Muslim communities in Indonesia. This is because the roles and contributions of ICMI are very significant in the development of middle class Muslim communities. Although the establishment of ICMI has its pros and cons, it is undeniable that ICMI’s contributions towards development of the Muslim communities are huge. This article aims to identify the roles and contributions of ICMI in the development of middle class Muslim communities in Indonesia in the New Order era. The roles of ICMI are based on education and economic aspects, the consolidation of the Islamic movement in Indonesia aspects, and the political agenda aspects. Based on our findings, we conclude that ICMI is deemed to be the pioneer of middle class Muslim communities’ revival in Indonesia especially in the New Order era.[ICMI tidak dapat dipisahkan dengan kebangkitan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah di Indonesia. Hal ini disebabkan peran dan kontribusi ICMI sangat signifikan dalam perkembangan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah. Meskipun pendirian ICMI diliputi pro dan kontra, namun tidak dapat sangkal bahwa kontribusi ICMI terhadap pembangunan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah sangat besar. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi peran dan kontribusi ICMI terhadap perkembangan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah di Indonesia pada zaman Orde Baru. Peran ICMI ini ditinjau dari aspek pendidikan dan ekonomi, aspek konsolidasi gerakan Islam Indonesia, dan aspek agenda politik. Berdasarkan hasil penemuan, kami menyimpulkan bahwa ICMI dapat dianggap sebagai pelopor kebangkitan masyarakat Muslim kelas menengah di Indonesia terutama pada zaman Orde Baru.]

2003 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 310-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheikh Anta Babou

AbstractThe scholarship on the Muridiyya focuses mainly on the examination of the political and economic aspects of the brotherhood. Dominant scholarly interpretations see the organisation as an effective instrument of adaptation to a turbulent period in history. Disgruntled Wolof farmers joined the Muridiyya as a way of adjusting to the new order brought about by the demise of the pre-colonial kingdoms and the establishment of French domination in Senegal, in the second half of the nineteenth century. Since the role of religious innovations and beliefs was considered peripheral in this process of adjustment, not much attention has been devoted to doctrinal and spiritual issues within the brotherhood. Emphasis had been put on the analysis of the socio-political context of the founding of the Murid brotherhood, and the economic and psychological incentives that might have motivated people to join the organisation. In contrast to this interpretation, I conceive of the Muridiyya as the result of a conscious decision by a Sufi shaikh who saw it primarily as a vehicle for religious change, but also for social and political transformation. Education was the principal tool for the realisation of this social change. This article describes and analyses Amadu Bamba's views on educational theory and practices and explores how his Sufi orientation shaped Murid pedagogy. It reveals the centrality of the theme of education in his writings, sermons and correspondence and documents the continuing influence of this education on the Murid ethos.


Al-Albab ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Lukis Alam

This paper discusses the passion of Islamization of the New Order, at the same time the mainstream of this power is based on economic development that provides opportunities for the growth of the Muslim middle class. Patronage model used by the New Order gives an indication that the power built by this regime wants to instill a strong influence in society.  At the same time, the New Order is depoliticizing the political attitudes of Muslims. This has implications for the marginalization of the interests of Muslims on the national stage. In this study will also be affirmed the influence of the New Order's power on the presence of the Muslim middle class. On the one hand their birth was the result of the economic development that the New Order echoed. On a different aspect, the presence of the middle class gives strong legitimacy that they are part of the dominating class structure in a country. Also will be reviewed about middle-class interference with the trend of Islamic populism that actually occurred in the era of the 80s, but re-spread after post-reform. Popular Islamic culture becomes a trend that spread through various media such as, internet, magazines, newspapers and so forth. This has received considerable response from middle-class Muslims and led to commodification. Religion facilitates to interact with modernity. Materialistic and hedonistic interests intersect with obedience in the practice of religion. On the one hand, the mode of consumption of the Muslim middle class changes with the adaptation of piety values in the public sphere.


Author(s):  
Esen Kirdiş

The last chapter asks how the decision regarding participation versus non-participation in the party system contributed to Islamic movement differentiation, what this decision meant for the political agenda of Islamic movements, what kind of changes these decisions triggered internally within Islamic movements, and whether these Islamic movements succeeded in altering the socio-political structures they face. It concludes with what these findings mean for democratisation.


Author(s):  
Taufikurrahman Taufikurrahman ◽  
Wahyu Hidayat

The political development of a country is determined by the system in force. Indonesia under a new order, for example, ruled by political system with authoritarian. In the new order era, the middle class Muslims did not gain flexibility in expressing their political participation as the impact of intervention and power domination. The changing in the political dynamics occurred in Indonesia in mid 1990s, one of which was characterized by the development of the Indonesian Muslim Scholars Association (ICMI). The emergence of ICMI is considered as the estuary of the long history struggle of the middle class Muslims in Indonesia. ICMI symbolizes the symbiotic relationship between religion and the state, the accommodating relationship between Islam and democracy. The revival of political roles of the middle-class Muslims requires significant changing within the political system, from the authoritarian to democracy.This research employs qualitative research methods with the approach of literature studies (library research) and a descriptive analysis method using especially the Hegemony theory of Anthonio Gramsci. The research aims to describe ICMI's socio-political role in the New Order era. It is found in this study that among the ICMI’s agenda is to develop a comprehensive-built democracy. Democracy is expected to be able to create changes not only in the political field but also in some other areas, including social, economic, cultural and religious. The democratization strategy pursued by ICMI through vertical mobility to establish a more balanced power relationship by taking part in the pendulum of power through the placement of Muslim scholars in the system of government cabinet as well as the ruling party, Golkar. At this point, ICMI plays a significant role as a group of intellectual counter hegemonic. This has resulted in a form non-confrontation relationship between Muslims and the government. Furthermore, ICMI developed the empowerment agenda in order to improve the quality of life of the community as reflected by the objective of ICMI,  symbolised by the five ‘K’ (English: five Q) of ICMI; Quality of life, quality of faith, quality thought/technology, quality of work, and quality of work invention. The agenda was implemented through the chains and linkages of ICMI throughout the country, such as CIDES, the Waqf book Movement, the Perpetual Charity Foundation Orbit Scholarship, MASIKA Study Group, and the publication of Republika newspaper.[Perkembangan politik pada suatu negara sangat ditentukan oleh sistem politik yang diberlakukan. Indonesia dibawah orde baru, dikuasai oleh suatu sistem politik yang bercorak otoriter dan oligarkis. Kelas menengah muslim tidak mendapatkan keleluasaan dalam mengembangkan partisipasi politik sebagai dampak dari adanya intervensi dan dominasi kekuasaan. Perubahan dinamika politik terjadi pada paruh 1990, salah satunya ditandai dengan berdirinya Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim se-Indonesia (ICMI). Kelahiran ICMI adalah muara daritapakan panjang sejarah perjuangan kelas menengah muslim di Indonesia. ICMI melambangkan hubungan simbiotis antara agama dan negara, hubungan akomodatif antara Islam dan demokrasi. Kebangkitan peran politik kelas menengah muslim mensyaratkan terjadinya perubahan sistem politik dari yang otoriter menuju demokrasi.Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan Studi Kepustakaan (Liberary Research). Analisis yang dikembangkan menggunakan metode analisis deskriptif. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan peran sosial politik ICMI di era orde baru. Ulasan mengenai tujuan tersebut dikaji secara lebih mendalam menggunakan teori Hegemoni Anthonio Gramsci. Dalam penelitian ini ditemukan bahwa ICMI menginginkan terbangunnya suatu tatanan demokrasi yang komprehensip. Demokrasi yang diharapkan mampu menciptakan perubahan tidak saja pada bidang politik namun juga pada bidang-bidang yang lain; sosial, ekonomi,budaya dan agama. Strategi demokratisasi yang ditempuh ICMI melalui mobilitas vertikal guna membangun relasi kuasa yang lebih berimbang dengan mengambil bagian dalam pendulum kekuasaan melalui penempatan tokoh-tokoh cendekiawan muslim dalam kabinet pemerintahan juga partai penguasa; Golkar. Pada titik ini, ICMI memainkan peranan sebagi kelompok intellectual countre hegemonic. Implikasinya, terbangunnya hubungan yang tidak konfrontatif antara umat Islam dengan pemerintah. Selanjutnya, ICMI mengembangkan agenda-agendapemberdayaan dalam rangka meningkatkan kualitas hidup masyarakat sebagaimana yang tercermin dari tujuan ICMI yang disimbolisasi dengan Lima “K”; Kualitas Iman, Kualitas Fikir, Kualitas Karya, Kualitas Kerja dan Kualitas Hidup. Agenda-agenda tersebut direalisasi melalui departemen-departemen organisasi maupun badan-badan otonom yang didirikan seperti CIDES, Gerakan Wakaf Buku, Yayasan Amal Abadi Beasiswa Orbit, Kelompok Studi MASIKA, hingga penerbitan Koran Republika. Sebagai bagian dari eksponen bangsa dan umat, ICMI berada di garda depan dalam membangun tatanan demokrasi yang sehat, egaliter dan emansipatif-partisipatoris di Indonesia.]


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 210
Author(s):  
Abu Bakar

This paper discusses the emergence of social movements To Pulo with the issue of a new government and thedevelopment of the New Order. Today, the issue is increasingly disappearing in local political discourse inKepulauan Selayar. This paper will explore how these things to happen to focus on the political disorientationand why the role of intermediary actors To Pulo weakened middle class. To explain this case, the use of socialmovement theory perspective of social identity theory and case study research method. The purpose of thispaper to describe a social movement To Pulo by answering questions; how To Pulo social movements?; Whydid political disorientation inside could be happened?; Why did middle-class intermediary role fi zzle?. The conclusion is the disorientation caused by the absence of a strong commitment. And the weak role of the intermediary is caused by internal confl icts To Pulo.


Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 167-188
Author(s):  
Abdu Mukhtar Musa

As in most Arab and Third World countries, the tribal structure is an anthropological reality and a sociological particularity in Sudan. Despite development and modernity aspects in many major cities and urban areas in Sudan, the tribe and the tribal structure still maintain their status as a psychological and cultural structure that frames patterns of behavior, including the political behavior, and influence the political process. This situation has largely increased in the last three decades under the rule of the Islamic Movement in Sudan, because of the tribe politicization and the ethnicization of politics, as this research reveals. This research is based on an essential hypothesis that the politicization of tribalism is one of the main reasons for the tribal conflict escalation in Sudan. It discusses a central question: Who is responsible for the tribal conflicts in Sudan?


2019 ◽  
pp. 512-519
Author(s):  
Teymur Dzhalilov ◽  
Nikita Pivovarov

The published document is a part of the working record of The Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee on May 5, 1969. The employees of The Common Department of the CPSU Central Committee started writing such working records from the end of 1965. In contrast to the protocols, the working notes include speeches of the secretaries of the Central Committee, that allow to deeper analyze the reactions of the top party leadership, to understand their position regarding the political agenda. The peculiarity of the published document is that the Secretariat of the Central Committee did not deal with the most important foreign policy issues. It was the responsibility of the Politburo. However, it was at a meeting of the Secretariat of the Central Committee when Brezhnev raised the question of inviting G. Husák to Moscow. The latter replaced A. Dubček as the first Secretary of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969. As follows from the document, Leonid Brezhnev tried to solve this issue at a meeting of the Politburo, but failed. However, even at the Secretariat of the Central Committee the Leonid Brezhnev’s initiative at the invitation of G. Husák was not supported. The published document reveals to us not only new facets in the mechanisms of decision-making in the CPSU Central Committee, the role of the Secretary General in this process, but also reflects the acute discussions within the Soviet government about the future of the world socialist systems.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcela Ceballos Medina

This article examines Ecuadoran policy toward the forced migration of Colombians to Ecuador. It identifies the main changes in Ecuadoran immigration policy, including asylum, for the period 1996-2008. To do this, the author examines two dimensions of immigration policy: the normative framework and political practices (implementation of the normative framework). The article tries to answer the following questions: What are the main changes in Ecuadoran immigration policy toward Colombian forced migration? How can we explain those changes? The author suggests that the policy oscillates between regional or binational integration and border contention. The variables that explain those changes are: (1) the magnitude of Colombian migration; (2) the transnational dynamics of the internal armed conflict along the Colombia-Ecuador border and the political context in Ecuador; and (3) the international relations of Colombia and Ecuador and the political agenda of the South American region.Spanish El propósito del artículo es examinar la respuesta del Estado ecuatoriano a las migraciones forzadas de colombianos hacia ese país, identificando los principales cambios en la política de inmigración (incluida la política de asilo y refugio) de Ecuador durante el periodo 1996- 2008. Para ello, se observan dos dimensiones de la política migratoria ecuatoriana: 1) el marco normativo y 2) las prácticas políticas para la implementación de las normas. La autora se propone responder a las preguntas ¿Cuáles son los principales cambios en la política migratoria del Estado ecuatoriano hacia las migraciones colombianas? ¿Cómo se explican esos cambios? Concluye que la política migratoria de Ecuador hacia las migraciones colombianas oscila entre una posición integracionista y abierta a la inmigración y una política de cierre de fronteras y contención del conflicto armado dentro del territorio colombiano. Las variables que explican dichos cambios son: 1) el creciente flujo de migrantes colombianos hacia Ecuador, 2) las dinámicas transnacionales del conflicto armado colombiano en la frontera y el contexto político al interior del Ecuador, y 3) las relaciones político-diplomáticas entre los dos países y la agenda política en la región suramericana.French Cet article examine la politique de l'Équateur concernant l'immigration forcée de Colombiens vers ce pays. Il identifie les changements principaux effectués dans la politique d'immigration équatorienne (en incluant la politique publique d'asile) pour la période 1996-2008. Dans ce but, l'auteur examine deux dimensions de la politique publique d'immigration : 1) le cadre normatif, et 2) les pratiques politiques (la mise en œuvre du cadre normatif). L'auteur souhaite répondre aux questions suivantes : quels sont les changements principaux dans la politique d'immigration équatorienne concernant les migrations colombiennes forcées ? Comment pouvons-nous expliquer ces changements ? L'hypothèse est que la politique d'immigration de l'Équateur oscille entre l'intégration régionale ou binationale et le contrôle des frontières. Les variables perme ant d'expliquer ces changements sont : 1) l'ampleur des migrations colombiennes vers l'Équateur ; 2) les dynamiques transnationales du conflit armé interne au niveau de la frontière colombo-équatorienne et le contexte politique en Équateur ; et 3) les relations internationales entre la Colombie et l'Équateur ainsi que l'agenda politique de la région sud-américaine.


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