scholarly journals DINAMIKA WACANA FORMALISASI SYARIAT DALAM POLITIK: IKHTIAR MENEMUKAN RELEVANSI RELASI AGAMA DAN NEGARA PERSPEKTIF INDONESIA

2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Mahathir Muhammad Iqbal

<p class="IIABSBARU">This research is an effort to find the relevance of the relationship between religion and the state are ideal. Because the formalization of Islamic shariah issue in political discourse is an interesting study in the relation between religion and state. By using the library approach, this article analyzes the involvement of the state in regulating citizens to implement Islamic shariah in Indonesia. Neutrality of the state to be the key in finding the relationship of both. Theoretically, this study provides an explanation that neutrality is not only understood as a state of devotion to give the rights of citizens to pray by faith, but also to limit citizens. For the implementation of shariah will be established and run well, when the state has a neutrality. So the state does not attract Islamic shariah becomes an official policy or state laws (shariah formalization). So also a Muslim can bring religion into the political circle, but only in the level of political ethics.</p><p class="IIABSBARU" align="center">***</p>Penelitian ini merupakan ikhtiar untuk menemukan relevansi hubungan agama dan negara yang ideal. Sebab Isu formalisasi syariat Islam dalam politik menjadi kajian menarik dalam wacana relasi agama dan negara. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan pustaka, artikel ini menganalisis keterlibatan negara dalam mengatur warga negara untuk mengimplementasikan syariat Islam di Indonesia. Adanya netralitas negara menjadi kunci dalam menemukan relasi keduanya. Secara teoritis, studi ini memberikan penjelasan bahwa netralitas tidak hanya dipahami sebagai pengabdian negara untuk memberikan hak-hak warga negara untuk berdoa berdasarkan iman, tetapi juga untuk membatasi warga negara. Sebab dalam pelaksanaan syariat akan dapat mapan dan berjalan dengan baik, manakala negara memiliki netralitas. Sehingga negara tidak menarik syariat Islam menjadi sebuah kebijakan resmi atau peraturan negara (formalisasi syariat). Dengan begitu seorang Muslim dapat membawa agama ke dalam lingkaran politik, tetapi hanya dalam tingkat etika politik.

Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-211
Author(s):  
Nick Cheesman

Throughout February 2012, a court sitting at Myanmar’s central prison recorded a defendant’s narrative of torture by policemen to have him confess to a bombing two years prior. How was this record made possible? What does the narrative reveal about the relationship of police torturers to the political community giving them authority to act? Working from Agamben’s intuition that in the moment of violence the policeman occupies an area symmetrical to the sovereign, inasmuch as his use of violence is justified in the name of public order, I suggest the account of police torture in this case can be explained in terms of Hobbes’s theory of attributed action. Like Hobbes’s sovereign, the Burmese policemen had the prerogative to decide when and how to use violence against the detained subject on behalf of the state. That the defendant could later recount to a judge the torture done to him was only because he lacked standing to lay claims against sovereign police, who he himself, as a member of the political community, had authorised. Ironically, the record of his narrative was possible precisely because his claims were without efficacy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 89-99
Author(s):  
M. A. Shirokova

The importance of the ethical principles of individualism and tolerance in the political ethics of liberalism has been studied from the moment of the emergence of liberal ideology to the present day. Using the conceptions of Russian and foreign philosophers, the author traces the relationship of these principles with the situation of the collapse and crisis of the moral system of the post-modern society. The author claims that the liberal doctrine as a whole has a paradoxical effect on the moral consciousness of the modern person, hindering his self-identification.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-281
Author(s):  
G. Sujatha

This article attempts to investigate the relationship between the domestic and the politics in the modern Tamil subjectivity constitution during the period spanning from the 1940s to the 1960s. More specifically, it takes up the political discourse of C. N. Annadurai—a significant founding member of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and a man who played a decisive role in shaping the culture and politics of the state—and attempts to examine the spatial tension, that is, the fusion and commonalities between the domestic sphere and political space in modern Tamil subjectivity construction and the implications it had for gender.


2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-234
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Schoenblum

The paper is concerned with the relationship of taxation to conceptions of the state and the community. The paper contends that public finance theorists have focused little attention on what, precisely, the state is and the role of subnational and supranational communities, even though understanding the state and these communities is essential for grasping how tax revenues are really distributed. The failure of public finance to do so is explainable by the powerful faith in the expertise of theorists and bureaucrats and abstract models for social welfare, whether or not they work or would be agreed upon and implemented via the political process.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-24
Author(s):  
Maciej Pichlak

The objective of the paper is to present various forms of constitutionalism, with a special focus on constitutionalism understood as a form of reflection of political community. The paper adopts the perspective of reflexivity theory in order to reconstruct the basic alternatives in that regard, and also to reveal their potential advant ges and weaknesses. As it is demonstrated, it is precisely philosophical and sociological conceptions of reflexivity that are particularly suitable for understanding the specificities of constitutionalism – indeed, the latter, as a discourse about the foundations of the political and legal existence of a given community, inevitably assumes the form of reflection. The special focus within the paper is devoted to two key distinctions within the sphere of reflexivity theory, which impact the manner in which constitutional reflection is performed. The first of the distinctions concerns the relationship of reflection to tradition, while the second is done according to the criterion of the logical structure of reflexive cognizance. It is argued here that the dominant version of modern constitutionalism prescribes that constitutional reflexion be perceived as a closed process with the objective of emancipation from tradition. An alternative to this mainstream approach can be proposed in the form of capturing constitutionalism as reflexion with its foundation in tradition, at the same time dialogically mediated in other forms of social and political discourse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 17-26
Author(s):  
Elena L. Saraeva

The article gives an interpretation of the ideas of the liberal politician Vasily Maklakov on the Basic State Laws of 1906. He assessed these laws as the Russian Constitution of 1906. Vasily Maklakov gave an interpretation of the relationship between the Constitutional Democrats and the government in connection with the restriction of the rights of the State Duma. The novelty of the research lies in the analysis of the perception by the Constitutional Democrats of the Basic Russian Laws as amended on April 23, 1906. Sources on the topic include the texts of the leaders of the K-D Party – the memoirs of Vasily Maklakov and Pavel Milyukov, Maxim Vinaver, as well as the Basic State Laws of 1906, materials of the III Congress of the K-D Party. The article reveals the political views of Vasily Maklakov, characterises his communicative culture, the views of the lawyer about the reasons for the illegal actions of the Constitutional Democrats in the First State Duma, the origins of their conflict with the government. An analysis of Vasily Maklakov's ideas about the degree of constitutionality of the government's steps towards the Duma in 1906 is given, his judgements about autocracy, law and order, the need to form a parliamentary culture of deputies are revealed. It is proved that Vasily Maklakov criticised the tactics of the Constitutional Democrats s in the First State Duma in the context of the idea of legality. He saw the main mistake of his fellow party members in their ignoring of a number of legal norms prescribed in the Basic Laws.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-91
Author(s):  
Sudarti Sudarti

  The author in this study wanted to see the similarities and differences in the political thoughts of Soekarno and Fazlur Rahman about the relationship between religion and the state. The type of research used is library research with a descriptive-comparative method. The results showed that Soekarno and Fazlur Rahman had a different paradigm in viewing the relationship between religion and state. Soekarno has a secularistic paradigm that separates religion and state to be implemented in Indonesia, while Fazlur Rahman has an Integralistic paradigm in which religion (Islam) and the state cannot be separated (integrated). However, these two figures agree that the sovereignty of a country is in the hands of the people and do not agree with the theory of God's sovereignty because God has never acted as politically sovereign nor as a maker of laws or laws. Keywords: Secularistic Paradigm, Integralistic Paradigm, God's Sovereignty.  


The Library ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-500 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Hinds

Abstract This article analyses the production of printed political discourse between post-war Ireland and England, in particular Sir Robert Southwell’s leading role in bringing to publication William King’s The State of the Protestants and Sir William Petty’s The Political Anatomy of Ireland in 1691. The questions these two books raised for the settlement of Ireland and for the relationship between the two kingdoms of Ireland and England have become very important for Anglo-Irish political history yet their publication circumstances in 1691 have not been considered. The article argues that studying these circumstances, applying the methods of book history, and analysing carefully reception contexts reveals the ways that senior government figures used print for political and personal influence, demonstrates the growing role and sophistication of printed discourse in Anglo-Irish politics, and uncovers how networks of trusted friends and allies operating between kingdoms could be crucial for the production and favourable reception of political argument in print.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 253
Author(s):  
Happy Susanto

<p>Using analytic and interpretative approaches, this research compares al-Jabiri<br />and Soroush’s thoughts about democracy in Islam. To assess Islam’s compatibility<br />with democracy, this thesis will analyze the issues of authority, sharia, and<br />freedom according to the two scholars. Al-Jabiri and Soroush agree that the<br />concept of authority in Islam cannot be interpreted simply as God’s sovereignty,<br />but it also concerns human rights and sovereignty. A leader put justice as his/her<br />central concern in practicing policies for citizens. To pursue this hope, they also<br />propose that sharia should be reinterpreted in order to be harmonizing in accordance<br />changing circumstances and time. Al-Jabiri has different understanding<br />with Soroush about the relationship between religion and state. Al-Jabiri sees<br />that Muslims are free to choose democracy as their political life. He doesn’t<br />agree the integration of religion and state. In this case, he doesn’t agree the<br />implementation of sharia in the state. Meanwhile Soroush sees that religion has<br />an important role in the state, so that he agrees the implementation of sharia<br />because according to him it supports the political process of the state.</p><p>Muhammad Abid al-Jabiri dan Abdolkarim Soroush merupakan intelektual Muslim<br />yang memandang bahwa Islam kompatibel dengan demokrasi, dan keduanya<br />termasuk dalam kelompok moderat. Untuk menguji apakah Islam kompatibel<br />dengan demokrasi, artikel ini menganalisis isu-isu otoritas, syariah, dan kebebasan<br />menurut pandangan kedua tokoh tersebut. Kedua intelektual itu memiliki<br />pandangan filosofis yang sejalan tentang ide demokrasi dalam Islam. Misalnya,<br />konsep otoritas dalam Islam tidak saja dipahami sebagai bentuk kedaulatan Tuhan,<br />namun yang lebih penting bahwa konsep ini juga memerhatikan aspek hak dan<br />kedaulatan manusia. Syariah perlu direinterpretasi agar sesuai dengan konteks<br />perubahan zaman dan dapat mengarah pada pencapaian tujuannya. Perbedaan<br />keduanya terletak pada relasi agama-negara. Dalam hal ini, al-Jabiri memiliki<br />pandangan yang “liberal” bahwa konsep sebuah negara tidak perlu berdasarkan<br />identitas agama. Umat Islam diberikan kebebasan penuh untuk menjalankan<br />kehidupan politiknya, tanpa terbebani oleh rujukan teks-teks Islam yang masih<br />diperdebatkan. Dengan demikian, ia memandang bahwa penerapan syariah dalam<br />sebuah negara tidak perlu karena sesungguhnya syariah belum penah diterapkan<br />secara sempurna. Sedangkan Soroush berpandangan sebaliknya bahwa identitas<br />agama perlu ditambatkan ke dalam ide sebuah negara (demokrasi).</p>


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