THE HELLENISATION OF JUDAEO-CHRISTIAN FAITH OR THE CHRISTIANISATION OF HELLENIC THOUGHT?'

2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
LUTHER H. MARTIN

Abstract<title> Abstract </title>In this article I explore the relationship between faith and reason among the early Christianities. The approach here favours the perspective of social history whereby the establishment of claims to a universal and absolute monotheism in Western society is viewed as an outcome of power relations - or an increasingly close alliance among certain of the early Christianities and between these and the state. In this sense, my thesis is that rather than understanding a Judaeo-Christian faith that became Hellenised, we might better speak of a tradition of Hellenic thought that increasingly became theologised under the dominant sway of Christian power. I explicate this thesis from the point of views or theories proposed by Max Weber and supported by Michel Foucault. As such, what follows is an overview of the conventional view of Christianity, an examination of Weber's view, which is followed by my critique of it, and some concluding remarks.

1949 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ithiel de Sola Pool

A Feature of Western ideology, particularly its American variant, is consciousness of tension between ideals and reality. One source of this tension is a propensity to seek social goals by way of adventitious motives. Education seeks marks not knowledge; business seeks profits not products; politics seeks power not the good life. To protest this lack of what Max Weber called substantive rationality, and to demand that first things be put first is labelled “idealism,” while acceptance of the immediate incentive and disregard for the final end is labelled “realism.”Thus in political science the name “realistic” has been largely applied to that tradition which concentrates on power relations and assumes that its subjects behave as “political men,” that is, that they strive to maximize power. The “realist” assumes that all men in politics share the same drive. So deeply ingrained is this identification of politics and power that it appears even in the unconscious where the state is a father symbol. It appears also in everyday idioms where to be in the government is “to be in power” and to go into politics means not to pave streets but to enter a game of hierarchical advancement. It appears also in scholarly thought. Unlike Aristotle, who defined the polis as that association formed for the highest good and which comprehends the rest, most modern scholars find in a monopoly of coercion the distinctive attribute of the state.


1995 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 617-640 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nickie Charles

This paper explores the relationship between feminist politics and the state around the issue of domestic violence. Its focus is the refuge movement in Wales. Feminist analyses of the state and feminist political practice identify the state as an important object of struggle. A particular form of feminist politics, the refuge movement, has engaged with the state while retaining its autonomy. It has been instrumental in effecting legal changes which bestow certain rights on women threatened with domestic violence, and in increasing women's access to resources in the form of temporary refuge and permanent housing. Feminist political practice can affect the distribution of resources through engaging with the state, thereby enabling women to challenge the gendered power relations which structure their daily lives.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Bahiroh Adilah

This research focuses on analyzing the discourse of the power relation between the state and the people in Indonesia in the lyrics of the songs "Kami Belum Tentu" and "Padi Milik Rakyat" by Feast (group band). Intolerance became Indonesia main concern in 2018 especially Surabaya’s church bombing, which then elaborated on other issues related to the socio- economic and political phenomena in Indonesia. The two songs were chosen because they adequately describe the socio-economic and political conditions in Indonesia and related to various sectors of government.This study uses Normal Fairclough's critical discourse analysis method to read the discourse on power relations between the state and the people which is articulated in the lyrics of the two songs. The results of this study conclude that the discourse on power relations with the form of Governmentality is spread in various areas of government, including in the leadership of a democratic country, the education system in Indonesia, the law constitution of UU ITE, towards farm workers through Reforma Agraria, and also in the management of tax money in Indonesia. The people will always be in a repressive state power system and the state uses its political power to carry out hegemonic submissions that are detrimental to the people structurally and economically through the ISA (Ideological State Apparatus) and RSA (Repressive State Apparatus) which critized in Indonesian indie song lyric.


Author(s):  
Catherine Chaput

Michel Foucault, who was born in 1926 into an upper-middle-class family, came of age in post-World War II Paris, studied with Louis Althusser, and rose to intellectual prominence in the 1970s, died on June 25, 1984. The near celebrity status that he acquired during his lifetime has multiplied since his death as the Foucault of disciplinary power has been supplemented with the Foucault of neoliberalism, biopolitics, aesthetics of the self, and the ontology of the present. These different forms of Foucauldian analysis are often grouped into three phases of scholarship that include the archeological, the genealogical, and the ethical. The first period, produced throughout the 1960s, focuses on the relationship between discourse and knowledge; the second period, developed throughout the 1970s, zeroes in on diverse structures of historically evolving power relations; and, the Foucault that emerged in the 1980s explores technologies of the self or the work of the self on the self. This well-recognized periodization highlights the triangulated structure of associations among knowledge, power, and subjectivity that animated his work. Because a number of decentered relations, something he called governmentality, are woven through everyday experience, Foucault questioned the assumption that communication takes place between autonomous, self-aware individuals who use language to negotiate and organize community formation and argued instead that this web of discourse practices and power relations produces subjects differentially suited to the contingencies of particular historical epochs. Although a critical consensus has endorsed this three-part taxonomy of Foucault’s scholarship, the interpretation of these periods varies. Some view them through a linear progression in which the failures of one moment lay the groundwork for the superseding moment: his discursive emphasis in the archeological phase gave way to his emphasis on power in the genealogical phase which, in turn, gave way to his focus on subjectivity in the ethical phase. Others, such as Jeffrey Nealon, understand the shifts as “intensifications” (p. 5) wherein each phase tightens his theoretical grip, triangulating knowledge, power, and subjectivity ever more densely. Still others suggest that the technologies of the self that undergird Foucault’s ethical period displace the leftist orientation of his early work with a latent conservatism. Regardless of where one lands on this debate, Foucault’s three intellectual phases cohere around an ongoing analysis of the relationships among knowledge, power, and subjectivity—associations at the heart of communication studies. Focused on how different subjects experience the established “regime of truth,” Foucault’s historical investigations, while obviously diverse, maintain a similar methodology, one he labeled the history of thought and contrasted with the history of ideas. As he conceives it, the history of ideas attempts to determine the origin and evolution of a particular concept through an uninterrupted teleology. He distinguishes his method, the history of thought, through its focus on historical problematization. This approach explores “the way institutions, practices, habits, and behavior become a problem for people who have certain types of habits, who engage in certain kinds of practices, and who put to work specific kinds of institutions.” In short, he studies how people and society deal with a phenomenon that has become a problem for them. This approach transforms the narrative of human progress into a history broken by concrete political, economic, and cultural problems whose resolution requires reconstituting the prevailing knowledge–power–subject dynamics. Put differently, Foucault illuminates historical breaks and the shifts required for their repair. Whereas the history of ideas erases the discontinuity among events, he highlights those differences and studies the process by which they dissolve within a singular historical narrative. Glossing his entire oeuvre, he suggests that his method can address myriad concerns, including “for example, about madness, about crime, about sex, about themselves, or about truth.” An overarching approach that intervenes into dominant narratives in order to demonstrate their silencing effects, the history of thought undergirds all three of Foucault’s externally imposed periods. Each period explores knowledge, power, and subjectivity while stressing one nodal point of the relationship: archeology stresses knowledge formation; genealogy emphasizes power formation; and the ethical period highlights subject formation. This strikingly original critical approach has left its mark on a wide range of theorists, including such notable thinkers as Gilles Deleuze, Giorgio Agamben, Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri, Donna Haraway, and Judith Butler, and has influenced critical communication scholars such as Raymie McKerrow, Ronald Greene, Kendell Phillips, Jeremy Packer, and Laurie Ouellete.


Profanações ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Diaz de Vivar y Soler

Em o Nascimento da Biopolítica, Foucault trata de analisar as emergências e proveniências do mercado econômico compreendido como modo de veridicção a partir na nossa sociedade ocidental desde seu aparecimento junto à pastoral da carne cristã, passando pela razão de Estado moderna, até o neoliberalismo. O presente ensaio procura rastrear os desdobramentos de tal conceito no sentido de pensá-lo como um modelo de governança segundo o qual se produz, no mundo contemporâneo uma governamentalização voltada para o cambiante fluxo dos indicadores econômicos responsáveis por estabelecer as regras do que se considera bom ou mau governo. Ocorre que, ao constituir-se como prática refletida de governo, o mercado econômico acaba por operar como um dispositivo de assujeitamento das condutas tornando refém de seus indicadores não somente o Estado e suas instituições, mas os próprios sujeitos que não reconhecem outro elemento ético senão aqueles provenientes da capacidade econômica do mercado gerenciar o que deve viver e do que deve morrer.AbstractIn Birth of Biopolitics, Foucault tries to analyze the emergencies and provenances of the economic market understood as a way of veridiction from our western society from its appearance with the pastoral of Christian meat, through the modern state reason, to neoliberalism doctrine. The present papper tries to trace the consequences of such a concept in the sense of thinking of it as a model of governance according to which, in the contemporary world, governmentalization is focused on the changing flow of economic indicators responsible for establishing the rules of what is considered good or bad government. It happens that, as a reflected practice of government, the economic market ends up operating as a device for assujeitamento conducting hostage of its indicators not only the State and its institutions, but the subjects themselves who do not recognize another ethical element otherwise those from the economic capacity of the market manage what must live and what must die.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 68
Author(s):  
Bahiroh Adilah

This research focuses on analyzing the discourse of the power relation between the state and the people in Indonesia in the lyrics of the songs "Kami Belum Tentu" and "Padi Milik Rakyat" by Feast (group band). Intolerance became Indonesia main concern in 2018 especially Surabaya’s church bombing, which then elaborated on other issues related to the socio- economic and political phenomena in Indonesia. The two songs were chosen because they adequately describe the socio-economic and political conditions in Indonesia and related to various sectors of government.This study uses Normal Fairclough's critical discourse analysis method to read the discourse on power relations between the state and the people which is articulated in the lyrics of the two songs. The results of this study conclude that the discourse on power relations with the form of Governmentality is spread in various areas of government, including in the leadership of a democratic country, the education system in Indonesia, the law constitution of UU ITE, towards farm workers through Reforma Agraria, and also in the management of tax money in Indonesia. The people will always be in a repressive state power system and the state uses its political power to carry out hegemonic submissions that are detrimental to the people structurally and economically through the ISA (Ideological State Apparatus) and RSA (Repressive State Apparatus) which critized in Indonesian indie song lyric.


Urban Studies ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 004209802094064 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaoying Zhang ◽  
Derek McGhee

In this article, we advocate the adoption of ‘more temporal and processual characters’ to understand contemporary community governance in China. We show that communities in China are seen both as producing moral problems and as being the solutions to these problems. Furthermore, we argue that the establishment of the moral clinic provides an alternative to neoliberal ways of self-governance. In the article, we present moral clinics as a new form of community self-governance whose aim is to achieve a complex balance between various conflicts in the context of China’s unprecedented urbanisation in the name of governing for and through community harmony. Through examining the establishment of moral clinics, we expose how the relationship between the moral ‘hospitalisation’ of society and the socialisation of individuals can be understood in new ways. We argue that the institutionalisation of this ‘moral work’ is a strategy based on old techniques of Chinese traditional medicine that are being enhanced by modern organisational settings. In addition, we examine the micropolitics of the moral clinic through exposing the power relations behind its structural design, and especially its links with the state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 338-358
Author(s):  
Igor Corrêa de Barros

O presente artigo tem por objetivo apresentar a relação entre biopolítica e nazismo à luz da obra de Michel Foucault e Giorgio Agamben. Para Foucault, o nazismo utilizou-se do racismo de Estado para proteger uma raça e legitimar a morte daqueles que representavam uma espécie de perigo biológico. Seguindo a mesma via, Agamben nos convida a refletir sobre os campos de concentração não como um fato histórico superado, mas como uma estrutura de poder que vem sendo cada vez mais utilizada nas democracias contemporâneas, marcada pela vigência do estado de exceção e produção da vida nua.Palavras-chave: Foucault.Agamben.Biopolítica. Campo. AbstractThis article aims to present the relationship between biopolitics and Nazism in the light of the work of Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben. According to Foucault, Nazism used state racism to protect a race and legitimize the death of those who represented a kind of biological danger. Following the same path, Agamben invites us to reflect on the concentration camps not as an outdated historical fact, but as a power structure which has been increasingly used in contemporary democracies, marked by the validity of the state of exception and production of bare life.Keywords: Foucault. Agamben. Biopolitics. Field. ORCID https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1386-955X


2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 539-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL C. BEHRENT

This article challenges conventional readings of Michel Foucault by examining his fascination with neoliberalism in the late 1970s. Foucault did not critique neoliberalism during this period; rather, he strategically endorsed it. The necessary cause for this approval lies in the broader rehabilitation of economic liberalism in France during the 1970s. The sufficient cause lies in Foucault's own intellectual development: drawing on his long-standing critique of the state as a model for conceptualizing power, Foucault concluded, during the 1970s, that economic liberalism, rather than “discipline,” was modernity's paradigmatic power form. Moreover, this article seeks to clarify the relationship between Foucault's philosophical antihumanism and his assessment of liberalism. Rather than arguing (as others have) that Foucault's antihumanism precluded a positive appraisal of liberalism, or that the apparent reorientation of his politics in a more liberal direction in the late 1970s entailed a partial retreat from antihumanism, this article contends that Foucault's brief, strategic, and contingent endorsement of liberalism was possible precisely because he saw no incompatibility between antihumanism and liberalism—but only liberalism of the economic variety. Economic liberalism alone, and not its political iteration, was compatible with the philosophical antihumanism that is the hallmark of Foucault's thought.


Augustinus ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 221-246
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Ceci ◽  

The article aims to show in the first works of St. Augustine the convergence of philosophy and wisdom on Trinitarian knowledge, and how the latter, despite the small number of references, occupies an important place among the theoretical objectives of the neoconvert. Furthermore, it aims to look for gnoseological and epistemological guidelines of the trinitarian reflection. This implies an attentive analysis of the relationship between faith and reason, as it appears in the Dialogues, and therefore of the relationship between Christian faith and Neoplatonic philosophy, from the perspective of the young Augustine, rethought in the light of those recent studies that show their criticism about this relationship. The article follows a diachronic method, without ignoring where necessary, timely references to the works which St. Augustine wrote during his own maturity; and stresses the historical dimension of the argument discussed, revealing the sources of ancient, late antiquity and patristic thought, alluding to its developments in medieval thought. From the whole emerges the intellectual and spiritual profile of a Christian thinker characterized by a strong rationalist tension, and a philosophical project that culminates in the rational knowledge of the trinitarian dimension of God. And the latter, far from being understood according to the Plotinian or Porfirian metaphysical model, will appear in the Dialogues according to the Christian model, stressing particularly the topic of consubstantiality.


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