scholarly journals A biopolítica e o governo da vida: o mercado econômico em Michel Foucault / The biopolitic and the government of life: the economic market in Michel Foucault

Profanações ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Diaz de Vivar y Soler

Em o Nascimento da Biopolítica, Foucault trata de analisar as emergências e proveniências do mercado econômico compreendido como modo de veridicção a partir na nossa sociedade ocidental desde seu aparecimento junto à pastoral da carne cristã, passando pela razão de Estado moderna, até o neoliberalismo. O presente ensaio procura rastrear os desdobramentos de tal conceito no sentido de pensá-lo como um modelo de governança segundo o qual se produz, no mundo contemporâneo uma governamentalização voltada para o cambiante fluxo dos indicadores econômicos responsáveis por estabelecer as regras do que se considera bom ou mau governo. Ocorre que, ao constituir-se como prática refletida de governo, o mercado econômico acaba por operar como um dispositivo de assujeitamento das condutas tornando refém de seus indicadores não somente o Estado e suas instituições, mas os próprios sujeitos que não reconhecem outro elemento ético senão aqueles provenientes da capacidade econômica do mercado gerenciar o que deve viver e do que deve morrer.AbstractIn Birth of Biopolitics, Foucault tries to analyze the emergencies and provenances of the economic market understood as a way of veridiction from our western society from its appearance with the pastoral of Christian meat, through the modern state reason, to neoliberalism doctrine. The present papper tries to trace the consequences of such a concept in the sense of thinking of it as a model of governance according to which, in the contemporary world, governmentalization is focused on the changing flow of economic indicators responsible for establishing the rules of what is considered good or bad government. It happens that, as a reflected practice of government, the economic market ends up operating as a device for assujeitamento conducting hostage of its indicators not only the State and its institutions, but the subjects themselves who do not recognize another ethical element otherwise those from the economic capacity of the market manage what must live and what must die.

Author(s):  
Nicolai Von Eggers ◽  
Mathias Hein Jessen

Michel Foucault developed his now (in)famous neologism governmentality in the first of the two lectures he devoted to ’a history of governmentality, Security, Territory, Population (1977-78) and The Birth of Biopolitics (1978-79). Foucault developed this notion in order to do a historical investigation of ‘the state’ or ‘the political’ which did not assume the entity of the state but treated it as a way of governing, a way of thinking about governing. Recently, the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben has taken up Foucault’s notion of governmentality in his writing of a history of power in the West, most notably in The Kingdom and the Glory. It is with inspiration from Agamben’s recent use of Foucault that Foucault’s approach to writing the history of the state (as a history of governmental practices and the reflection hereof) is revisited. Foucault (and Agamben) thus offer another way of writing the history of the state and of the political, which focuses on different texts and on reading more familiar texts in a new light, thereby offering a new and notably different view on the emergence of the modern state and politics.


Author(s):  
Clive Emsley

This chapter focuses on the period of the French Revolution, which saw a greater emphasis on the creation of police institutions and particularly fostered developments in political policing designed to check any one or any group that appeared to threaten the state. The revolution, the wars, and the politics of the period helped to shape the police institutions of Europe for the generations that spanned the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. They also contributed to the extension of what the French term haute police and which, in 1841, had its essence defined by a prefect as ‘everything related to the security of the king and of the state and also related to public spirit, opinions manifested, news that circulates as it arrives, and the men known to be opposed to the government’. Successive regimes in France—revolutionary, Napoleonic, Restoration—developed political police to investigate internal and external threats; opponents of the French acted similarly. Political police were developed to cope with threats to what increasingly resembled the modern state, and so too were ideas and practices regarding police who could prevent crime in the streets and countryside. At the same time, popular policing and the victim’s or community’s investigations and pursuits still continued, as did victim and community discretion about how to treat a suspect.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 137-140
Author(s):  
Alexey Vladimirovich Zaharchenko

The study of Ministry of Internal Affairs economic activities gives an opportunity to look at relationships with other departments and its role as an economy agent. The studying of departmental correspondence materials allows us to speak about the conflict of interests among The Ministry of Internal Affairs, The State Planning Committee and other сommissariat-ministries. Contradictions were settled at the highest party and the state levels. All actors in the Soviet planned economy had their own interests and the most important was provision of resources for the government tasks and timely fulfilment of obligations by other economic organizations. During this process the departments involved tried to obtain more favorable conditions for themselves. Heads of different levels (from the ministries to separate agencies), who sent appeals and requests to the center, served as channels for information on the fulfillment of government directives. The conflicts helped to determine if a plan was impossible to fulfill and to correct figures and decisions. This allowed the Stalinist system to react and overcome contingent problems like a personal dispute with producers, and structural, such as economic capacity. The result was paid with material costs and overextended bureaucratic procedures for coordination of departmental interests.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Grace Sharon

Based on the provisions in the 1945 Constitution article 1 paragraph 3 which states the State of Indonesia is a state based on law, it brings the consequence that every government action must always be based on the law. From another point of view related to the development of the 21st century, the State is often said to have developed into a modern state. Whereas the state's tasks, which were initially very limited, have become increasingly widespread. This is due to the increasing needs of modern humans and especially those related to the interests of life together. Regarding the social dynamics that occur in the community, licensing arrangements are needed. A license as a one-sided government action is a stipulation arising from the strategies and techniques used by the Government to control or control various conditions or activities carried out by the community. In other words, licensing is very much needed as an instrument of community guidance. However, the author limits the scope of research on licensing only to the nature of the authority of the permit, so that the author's research in this article is done through a literature review.


2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
LUTHER H. MARTIN

Abstract<title> Abstract </title>In this article I explore the relationship between faith and reason among the early Christianities. The approach here favours the perspective of social history whereby the establishment of claims to a universal and absolute monotheism in Western society is viewed as an outcome of power relations - or an increasingly close alliance among certain of the early Christianities and between these and the state. In this sense, my thesis is that rather than understanding a Judaeo-Christian faith that became Hellenised, we might better speak of a tradition of Hellenic thought that increasingly became theologised under the dominant sway of Christian power. I explicate this thesis from the point of views or theories proposed by Max Weber and supported by Michel Foucault. As such, what follows is an overview of the conventional view of Christianity, an examination of Weber's view, which is followed by my critique of it, and some concluding remarks.


1994 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
S Chan ◽  
C Clark

The case of a very successful developing country—Taiwan—is examined in order to assess the importance of market phenomena and governmental policy leadership for promoting development. In their analysis of postwar Taiwan, therefore, the authors reject the temptation to dichotomize ‘state versus market’, and instead argue strongly in favor of a ‘state and market’ approach. The ability to accommodate and manipulate economic market forces was central to Taiwan's economic miracle because the island's businesses became highly competitive on world markets and carved out a niche of comparative advantage in the global economy. Much of the credit for this, furthermore, rests with the flexible production of small private firms. However, the state also played a significant role in boosting the island's competitiveness by promoting several structural transformations of the economy, creating a good business environment for entrepreneurs, channeling foreign capital into a few vital sectors, and financing infrastructure and human capital development. A key factor in the state's positive role, in turn, appears to be regime autonomy. That is, until quite recently, the government has been rather autonomous from social forces and unconstrained by electoral politics and popular accountability.


Author(s):  
Svyatoslav Kaspe

After Michel Foucault, Bentham’s Panopticon became a widely recognized image of the modern state. The article focuses on some aspects of this strong metaphor that were not taken into account by Foucault or most other researchers. The question of the sources of light in the Panopticon, also understood metaphorically as a sine qua non for the exercise of power and for its legitimacy at the same time, allows to describe such variations of the state’s political form that is based on either a “political religion” (adjacent to a totalitarian phenomenon), or secular (adjacent to liberalism) and based on the “civil religion” (the most complicated of all). A key variable here is the mode to interface the political and the sacred. If in the pre-modern era the openness of political forms for influences emanating from the sacred was presumed, in modern states the political reaches autonomy; the political becomes emancipated from the sacred, and occupies its place in the most radical scenarios. The author argues that in the future, the highest sustainability will be demonstrated by those variations of the state political form in which this autonomy is not completed, or where the connections between the political and the sacred are maintained, albeit at a reduced level, that is, those in which “civil religion” is practiced.


2018 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 28-50
Author(s):  
Muhammad Imran Ashraf ◽  
Syed Umair Jalal

Education is the only opportunity for a nation to attain sustainable development among rapidly changing nations across the globe in the 21st century. For that reason education has been recognized a fundamental right to the citizens of modern states of the contemporary world. Every state has secured this fundamental right of citizens through constitutional provisions. Constitutional provisions provide a guiding framework for the action taken by the responsible authorities of the state. The current study investigated the constitutional provisions of Pakistan and South Korea for the education of general people. Both the countries have made provisions for education and both have made different attempts to realize these provisions in the true sense. The constitution of Pakistan 1973 mentioned education as a subject in Article 25A, 37, and 38 (d) which states the government will eradicate illiteracy in minimum possible time, and education at secondary level will be free and compulsory for all the citizens of the state. On the other hand article 31 of the Korean constitution explains the educational commitments of the state. The efforts made by both the states in implementing the constitutional provisions have made the difference in the educational achievement of both the states. Pakistan having 58% literacy rate as compared to 99% literacy rate of South Korea illustrate the variations. All the governmental policies have three elements; Sustainability, Outreach, and Impact. Despite of sustainability and outreach sometimes desired results do not come from the policy due to ineptness of impact factor. Therefore this study will assess the impact factor of the constitutional provisions of Pakistan and South Korea prerequisite to free and compulsory quality education.


Author(s):  
Anna Persson

This chapter examines the concept of the modern state in a developing world context. More specifically, it considers the characteristics and capabilities that define the modern state and the extent to which the state can be regarded as an autonomous actor with the potential to influence development outcomes. After providing an overview of the role of the state as a potential driver of development, the chapter discusses statehood in the contemporary world and how the evolution of the modern state can be understood. It then asks how different patterns of state formation affect the ways that states further consolidate and develop. It also explains the distinction between the ‘weak’ state found in the majority of developing countries and the ‘strong’ state typically found in the industrialized parts of the world. Finally, it tackles the question of institutional reform from ‘the outside’ and its implications for development.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Louis Seidman

On conventional accounts, the state action doctrine is dichotomous. When the government acts, constitutional limits take hold and the government action is invalid if those limits are exceeded. When the government fails to act, the state action doctrine leaves decisions to individuals, who are permitted to violate what would otherwise be constitutional constraints. It turns out though that the modern state action doctrine creates three rather than two domains. There is indeed a private, inner band where there is thought to be insufficient government action to trigger constitutional constraints, but often there is also a public, outer band where there is too much state action for the Constitution to apply. The Constitution takes hold only in a middle band—the Goldilocks band—sandwiched between these two domains. For constitutional limitations to have force, the government must act just enough—but not too much. This Article’s first aim is to identify and describe this puzzling structure. It also examines a variety of doctrinal principles that produce and, perhaps, justify the state action doctrine’s three bands. The Article then argues that these seemingly disparate principles are all related to the special constitutional problems produced by the emergence of the middle band of government regulation. Finally, the Article concludes with some brief speculation about whether the modern tripartite structure can survive.


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