scholarly journals Identity Politics in a Mediatized Religious Environment on Facebook: Yes to Wearing the Cross Whenever and Wherever I Choose

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-486
Author(s):  
Mona Abdel-Fadil

The Norwegian Facebook page Yes to Wearing the Cross Whenever and Wherever I Choose was initially created to protest the prohibition of the cross for nrk news anchors. Yet, many of the discussions and audience interactions transpired into heated religio-political debates with strong elements of anti-Muslim, xenophobic, anti-secular, and anti-atheist sentiments. This study aims to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the interplay between media and religion by providing new insights on the variety of ways in which media audiences may ‘add a series of dynamics to conflicts, namely, amplification, framing and performative agency, and co-structuring’ and ‘perform conflict’, as formulated by Hjarvard et al. It is argued that mediatized conflicts with inherent trigger themes, which tug at core religio-political identity issues, also tend to evoke emotional responses, which, in turn, inspire social media users to perform the conflict in ways that multiply the conflict(s).

Author(s):  
Olaf Zenker

Political projects of belonging are concerned with sentiments of being ‘at home’ within specific collectivities, rooted in entanglements of people’s social locations, narratives of identification, and value regimes at varying intersections. Global history attests to the numerous ways in which modes of belonging have been juridified and legally restricted, and how legal categories have become populated and turned into markers of identity, thus revealing the politics of belonging as a normative project par excellence. In the shadows of accelerating globalization, recent decades have brought about an ever-diversifying and heavily contested multitude of identity politics, in light of which the time-honoured politics of belonging is bound to persist as a crucial concern for law and anthropology in the twenty-first century. Charting the contours of this complex terrain, this chapter engages with citizenship as an arguably still dominant, if not hegemonic, political identity as well as with alternative political projects of belonging. Zooming in on closely related territorial modes of belonging—ethnicity, nationhood/nationalism, diaspora, indigeneity, identities conventionally described as ‘autochthony’, and citizenship—it proposes an overarching framework of ‘contested autochthonies’ which allows the cross-cutting constructions of individual-territory-group triads, and their mutual interactions, to be studied at shifting scales. Against the backdrop of a case study of conflicting autochthonies in the South African postcolony, the chapter concludes by highlighting the close interdependencies between the (re)production of distributed senses of belonging and the attendant (re)distribution of belongings—and thus the need for an integrated analysis of recognition and (re)distribution in the politics of belonging.


Author(s):  
Abdul Aziz

This paper explores how transnational identities are negotiated through digital and social media use, and how the narratives online contribute to Rohingya transnational identity. Recent studies have made significant strides in understanding refugees’ media practices during migration, transnational family ties, settlement in a host society. However, little attention has been paid to more nuanced understanding every day of risks and opportunities of digital media practice in the context of conflict and forced migration. Drawing on a qualitative approach of semi-structured and social media scroll back interviews methods, I investigate the use of technologies in their everyday experiences of prolonged displacement in the Cox’s Bazar refugee camp, Bangladesh and among resettled refugees in Brisbane, Australia, both distinct but interconnected within a power structure. The findings expose the ‘double-edged’ nature of communication technologies. While most participants think technologies have been a lifeline for their survival, participants from the Cox’s Bazar refugee camp show that security and surveillance are key concerns for members of the Rohingya diaspora. In this paper, I argue that although digital and social media offer a niche of a repertoire of resistance and the rise of a new form of community in a context of statelessness, the use of such technologies can be juxtaposed with the consequence of digital surveillance and victimisation in everyday life in a refugee camp. By focusing on both urban and refugee camp settings, this paper offers critical insights into power inequalities and transnational diaspora activism, authoritarian politics, specifically its mediation by digital technologies.


ADALAH ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah

Abstract:The discussion of this simple article was inspired by a book entitled The Politics of Identity and the Future of Our Pluralism. The problem in this book is whether the identity politics in Indonesia will jeopardize the nationalist position and pluralism in Indonesia in the future? If dangerous in what form? How to handle it? The source of this book relies on the opinion of L. A Kauffman who first explained the nature of identity politics, and who first introduced the term political identity which is still unknown. However, in this book explained substantively, identity politics is associated with the interests of members of a social group who feel blackmailed and feel alienated by large currents in a nation or state.Keywords: Identity Politics, Nation, ReligionAbstrak:Pembahasan artikel sederhana ini terinspirasi dari buku berjudul Politik Identitas dan Masa Depan Pluralisme Kita. Permasalahan dalam buku ini adalah apakah poitik identitas di Indonesia ini akan membahayakan posisi nasionalis dan pluralisme di Indonesia di masa yang akan datang? Jika berbahaya dalam bentuk apa? Bagaimana cara mengatasinya? Sumber buku ini bersandarkan pada pendapat L. A Kauffman yang pertama kali menjelaskan tentang hakekat politik identitas, dan siapa yang pertama kali memperkenalkan istilah politik identitas yang masih belum diketahui sampai saat ini. Tetapi, didalam buku ini dijelaskan secara substansif, politik identitas dikaitkan dengan kepentingan anggota-anggota sebuah kelompok sosial yang merasa diperas dan merasa tersingkir oleh arus besar dalam sebuah bangsa atau negara. Kata Kunci: Politik Identitas, Bangsa, Agama   


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Pereira ◽  
Jay Joseph Van Bavel ◽  
Elizabeth Ann Harris

Political misinformation, often called “fake news”, represents a threat to our democracies because it impedes citizens from being appropriately informed. Evidence suggests that fake news spreads more rapidly than real news—especially when it contains political content. The present article tests three competing theoretical accounts that have been proposed to explain the rise and spread of political (fake) news: (1) the ideology hypothesis— people prefer news that bolsters their values and worldviews; (2) the confirmation bias hypothesis—people prefer news that fits their pre-existing stereotypical knowledge; and (3) the political identity hypothesis—people prefer news that allows their political in-group to fulfill certain social goals. We conducted three experiments in which American participants read news that concerned behaviors perpetrated by their political in-group or out-group and measured the extent to which they believed the news (Exp. 1, Exp. 2, Exp. 3), and were willing to share the news on social media (Exp. 2 and 3). Results revealed that Democrats and Republicans were both more likely to believe news about the value-upholding behavior of their in-group or the value-undermining behavior of their out-group, supporting a political identity hypothesis. However, although belief was positively correlated with willingness to share on social media in all conditions, we also found that Republicans were more likely to believe and want to share apolitical fake new. We discuss the implications for theoretical explanations of political beliefs and application of these concepts in in polarized political system.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205943642110314
Author(s):  
Xiao Han

In China, a few posts related to #MeToo movement survived and remained online well after its peak and the state’s response in July 2018. This article proposes a theoretical framework that pays attention to discursive meaning-making and employs a broad notion of empowerment, referred to as ‘empowerment through discourse’, in order to offer a more nuanced understanding of the low-profile #MeToo movement in the Chinese context. This framework is used to analyse a corpus of uncensored #MeToo material, which appeared on Chinese social media. This article combines a discourse analysis of these posts and interviews with feminists from activist collectives to critically examine feminist empowerment by reflecting on survivor/victim narration and storytelling practices, digital media’s capacity to facilitate critical dialogue between witnesses and survivors/victims and activist collectives’ organising role in opening up a dialogic space for collective reading, listening and healing. These reflections lead to broader considerations on how notions of empowerment can spur collective action and structural change. In short, this article demonstrates the potential possibility of discursive change and reflects on this mode of feminist politics as a way to speak to empowerment in the Chinese context.


Societies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Tyler Horan

Social media influencers-individuals who utilize various forms of network power on social networks occupy a unique identity space. On the one hand, their network power is often tied to their social identity as creators of engaging material. On the other hand, their ability to promote commercial products and services steps outside the traditionally distinct commercial–social, occupational–personal divides. In this work, the network morphologies of influencers are explored in relation to their delivery of sponsored and non-sponsored content. This article explores how the disclosure of content as ‘sponsored’ affects audience reception. We show how that the promotion of content on social media often generates higher levels of engagement and receptiveness amongst their audience despite the platform’s assumption of organic non-commercial relationships. We find that engagement levels are highest among smaller out-degree networks. Additionally, we demonstrate that sponsored content not only returns a higher level of engagement, but that the effect of sponsorship is relatively consistent across out-degree network sizes. In sum, we suggest that social media audiences are not sensitive to commercial sponsorship when tied to identity, as long as that performance is convincing and consistent.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630512110382
Author(s):  
Aimei Yang ◽  
Maureen Taylor

In this study, we explore how a social movement organization ( Sunrise.org ) and its autonomous public community advocated for the Green New Deal on social media. An autonomous public community is a group of publics that initially connect with each other through their engagement with a focal organization. Then, they go on to develop ties among themselves that go beyond simply responding to organizations’ messages. Autonomous public communities are ubiquitous on social media. Our research identifies unique patterns of interactions in an autonomous public community and finds that the Tertius Iungens orientation brings the network together. We also find that while the focal organization is not centralized in an autonomous public community, it still significantly affects tie formation and discourse as the networks evolve. Our study reveals a nuanced understanding of networked organization–public engagement where network structure and discourse are co-created by the organizations and the communities that they engage.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document