The Sustainability Strategy of the European Union

2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 325-339
Author(s):  
Ursula Prall

AbstractThe article focuses on the EU Sustainability Strategy of 2001, which was reviewed in 2005; and its elements and implementation concerning energy policy and climate protection. The examination of the general part of the EU Sustainability Strategy shows that it lacks both a mission statement and a clear conceptual approach, thus making it difficult to achieve a steering effect. Those parts of the strategy that deal with climate protection show a strong sense of urgency and a great commitment to the EU objective of reducing greenhouse gas emissions. But the - manifold! - measures taken are still too weak. More determination and more effort is necessary to change patterns of thought and behaviour, and it seems that this is a direct consequence of neglecting the necessity of defining a mission statement and a conceptual approach.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (11) ◽  
pp. 167-173
Author(s):  
Mihail V. Rybin ◽  
◽  
Alexander A. Stepanov ◽  
Nadezhda V. Morozova ◽  
◽  
...  

The article reveals and analyzes conceptual approaches to the formation of strategic directions of energy policy of the European Union and Poland in the first decades of the XXI century. A critical assess-ment is given from the point of view of international cooperation in the field of energy between the Russian Federation, Poland and the EU as a whole and, in particular, European, national and regional programs for the transformation of the fuel and energy sector in the conditions of decarbonization and transition to green energy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 344-353
Author(s):  
Dejan Ž. Đorđević ◽  
Milan Veselinović

AbstractThe policy of renewable energy sources has gained more importance over recent years. The European Union is facing serious challenges regarding greenhouse gas emissions and energy sustainability, followed by the supply security, import dependence and competitiveness as well as the effective implementation of the internal energy market. The energy policy of the European Union is the most effective response to the new situation the member states of the European Union are facing. The EU energy policy aims to cause a new industrial revolution and the growth of the economic energy efficiency with low emissions of carbon dioxide. In order to achieve this, targets have been set for the future. Among them is the increase in the share of production and consumption of renewable energy in the total energy balance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  

The modern world depends on energy, the consumption of which is increasing, while the use of resources is becoming more and more intensive. It should be noted that imperialist Russia makes excellent use of this opportunity, which is reflected in the expansion and strengthening of its sphere of political influence. As we know, all states hold energy policies based on national-strategic values and define national aspirations and priorities. Russia has a big amount of energy resources, which it uses quite purposefully. The main tool of the Kremlin’s expansionist policy is energy policy, which opposes European integration and increases its own role in the international arena. Despite the fundamental radical differences between the democratic West and undemocratic Russia, they still manage to find common preventive-cooperative relations in terms of energy policy. A clear example of this is the energy relations between Russia and Germany, which are complex and perennial. The Nord Stream 2 is a project of global importance that explicitly increases the EU’s energy dependence on Russia, which may not prove as beneficial to the Brussels side as it may do to the Moscow side. Both Putin and his governance system are using their country’s resources and geopolitics “dishonestly” to exercise considerable influence on political space around them, serving the national interests of Russia. Therefore, in the eyes of the developed West, Russia is perceived as an aggressor and an undemocratic country, which creates a negative political landscape for both the European Union and the international political arena. That is why such maneuvering of Russia is not positively understood by any of the powerful states of the world, as this very project is found to be an integral part of world politics. The United States also supports this view. The Nord Stream 2, followed by Brexit, is the first international project and it is literally a dynamic action on how the energy relations between the EU and Russia can be continued. At the current stage, Germany’s political actions are more profitable and productive for Russia than for the EU, since this case carries the potential for the energy sector of the two parties to become more integrated.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Astrid Epiney

“Climate Protection Law” has been developed during the last approximately 15 years on an international, supranational and regional level. In the European Union the trading scheme of greenhouse gas allowances—introduced by Directive 2003/87—is to be considered a central element of the European Union’s climate protection policy. Despite of the creation of the EU emission trading scheme already in 2003 the scheme raises a range of legal questions which have not been really clarified yet. Against this background, the following contribution will discuss—on the basis of a summary of the legal bases and the development of emission trading in the EU—some selected legal questions concerning design, interpretation and application of the Directive 2003/87. Additionally, the question of whether the emission trading scheme as provided by Directive 2003/87 could serve as a model for air protection respectively emission reduction of other air pollutants and / or as a model for a trans-regional or even global emission trading scheme will be discussed.


Author(s):  
Daria Sevastianova ◽  
Leili Rustamova

This article analyzes the German leadership in settlement of the three crises faced by the European Union – the eurozone crisis (2009-2015), migration crisis (2015-2020), and COVID-19 crisis (2020-2021) – in order to determine the specificity of the leadership of Germany in the EU. The conceptual approach for the analysis includes the leadership criteria offered by the German researcher Joachim Schild, which allow drawing the line between the hegemonic and non-hegemonic leadership, as well as consider the factor of legitimacy and soft power. The author also discusses the role of factors that hold back the fulfillment of the leadership potential of Germany. The novelty this research consists in application of this approach for determining the specificity of German leadership on the example of settlement of crises and challenges faced by the European Union, including the ongoing crisis caused by COVID-19 pandemic. The use of case study method allows concluding that Germany, indued with, is capable to show its leadership potential only in the conditions of cooperation with France. The author believes that its successful leadership is impeded by the domestic political factors and politicization of the European agenda in the EU member-states. The relevance of drawn conclusions consists in their contribution to further analysis and forecast of the foreign policy actions of Germany aimed at settling the COVID-19 crisis and other challenges faced by the European Union at the current stage of development.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 261-270
Author(s):  
Joanna Bukowska ◽  
Piotr Świat ◽  
Anna Sosnowska

Abstract For many years the European Union has aspired to be the leader of global climate protection policy. By setting increasingly ambitious challenges in its efforts against global warming, the EU has tried to encourage other countries to compete in this field at international level. In this article, the authors present the roles of the Council of the European Union and the European Commission in the process of concluding international agreements on climate protection. The division of competences between the two institutions is important in the situation when the agreements are concluded within Union’s non-exclusive competence such as the one in the field of environmental protection. In case of such agreements both the Union and its Member States are contracting parties. However, not only the division of competences is at the centre of the EU external action, but also the development of appropriate solutions that will ensure the effective achievement of climate policy objectives.


Energies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (21) ◽  
pp. 4118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Flores-Chamba ◽  
López-Sánchez ◽  
Ponce ◽  
Guerrero-Riofrío ◽  
Álvarez-García

In recent decades, various policies have been implemented to reduce energy consumption, as well as a considerable increase in research that analyzes the determinants of energy consumption, both with a standard feature, mitigating environmental degradation. However, few studies investigate the economic and spatial determinants of energy consumption in the European Union (EU). Therefore, to cover the knowledge gap, based on the review of the existing literature, this document is designed to analyze the determinants and energy policy in energy consumption in the EU. For this reason, the objective of this research is to analyze the effect of human capital, the price of oil, and Kyoto Protocol policy on energy consumption. In addition, the effect of contiguity and spatial concentration on energy consumption is studied for 34 European countries, of which 26 belong to the EU, for the period 2000–2016. For this, data collected from the World Bank (2017) and the World Energy Statistical Review (2017) were used. The work methodology is based on the application of econometric techniques for panel data, and spatial econometrics, based on the application of a Spatial Durbin Model (SDM), through which the existence of “spillovers” was determined in the implementation of the energy policy. The results of the estimates show a negative effect of the price of oil and human capital concerning energy consumption, and the variable "Policy" reflects a reduction in the energy consumption of the EU countries in the period analyzed. Additionally, the space panel confirms that the behavior of a country's energy consumption depends on its past values and the level of consumption presented by its neighbors, corroborating the importance of territorial contiguity in the success of environmental policy in the case of the European Union.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 3363 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bartosz Fortuński

One of the ways of implementing the concept of sustainable development by the European Union is their energy policy. Among the three main objectives in its energy policy is a reduction in greenhouse gases (mainly CO2) emissions to at least 20% below 1990 levels by 2020. This study aims to assess the impact of international trade on actual CO2 emission in the EU, China and the USA for the period 1997–2017. For this aim, the Actual-Open CO2 emissions were calculated, taking into account the transfer of CO2 in exported products and services from China and the USA to the EU and vice versa. It is concluded that the actual CO2 emissions in China, the USA, and the EU differed from the traditionally calculated emissions. This has serious consequences for policy, as the factual level of implementation of the EU energy policy goals may be different from what is assumed. Without including the goals of energy policy into trade policy, the effectiveness of measures may be limited. This also has implications for the effectiveness of environmental management systems. When improvements rely on increasing trade with large CO2 emitting countries, the final effect may be opposed to the assumed effect.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-69
Author(s):  
Torbjørg Jevnaker ◽  
Barbara Saerbeck

The development of the energy policy of the European Union (EU) has been accompanied by organizational reforms of the EU’s energy bureaucracy. Much attention has been paid to Commission President Juncker’s reorganization of the European Commission, including how this has influenced the Energy Union initiative. The establishment of EU agencies has also expanded the EU administration and the capacity for developing new initiatives and coordinating implementation of EU legislation. However, recent research has not been sufficiently connected to policy studies on energy, climate and environment. This article analyses the extent to which two EU agencies—the Agency for the Cooperation of Energy Regulators, and the European Environmental Agency—augment the policymaking capacity of the Commission by providing information that aids its work. The article ends with a discussion of the potential implications of agencification.


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