Institutional Distances and Economic Engagement Between India and China

China Report ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-231
Author(s):  
Santosh Pai ◽  
Aravind Yelery

This article argues that bridging institutional distance is a reliable method to increase the flow of Chinese investments into India. India’s growing economy and ability to attract investments from China meets most of the conditions that can be considered attractive for investments from China. This is complemented by China also fulfilling many of the criteria as a source of foreign direct investment (FDI) into India. China is a major trading partner of India but the Indian economy remains highly deficient in Chinese investment which undermines reciprocity in economic affairs. The possible reasons for underinvestment by Chinese enterprises in India are partly associated with the lack of sufficient interactions between institutions of both the countries, which in turn creates ‘institutional distances’ impacting economic affairs. This article attempts to throw light on these issues from theoretical and behavioural perspectives. Apart from instances of ‘institutional differences’, the article will also attempt to address how select ministries in China and India function while dealing with each other on a case by case basis.

Significance China and India, which have long had difficult relations, have only partially disengaged from a border stand-off in the Western Himalayas that began in May 2020. Although bilateral trade is up this year, several deals for China to invest in Indian businesses are now frozen. Impacts India and China will maintain large numbers of troops along their mutual border, with a reduced no man’s land between them. Delhi will increase defence purchases from Washington and other key partners. Western and Japanese investment in India’s tech sector will grow markedly.


Author(s):  
Sushma Rewal Chugh ◽  
Chander Mohan Parsheera

China and India are the two world's most populous Asian countries. Together they constitute about 40% of the total global population. Both the Asian countries have remarkable similarities. India and China boast of having a very ancient and rich civilization and they have a strong and growing economy. For developing countries like India and China tourism presents a wonderful opportunity to earn much needed foreign exchange. Compared to China, the ancient and unique Indian culture is still very much alive. In spite of all these attractions and ethnic charm, tourism industry in India is still underdeveloped in contrast to many other neighboring countries. Tourism in India is still in a stage of infancy. China has emerged much ahead of India in terms of tourist arrivals. China has been successfully tapping its rich tourism potential. China is the 3rd most frequented country of the world after France and U.S.A. This paper has tried to explore the reasons of tourists' preference of China over India by taking into cognizance varied experiences and perceptions of tourists in both the countries and comparing them. A total number of 180 comments of 60 foreign travelers who visited China and India respectively and posted comments on www.virtualtourist.com were studied. It emerged from the study that India and China both the countries thrive on culture and history. People are intrigued by Indian and Chinese philosophies. Although the flying distance between the two countries is no more than eight hours, foreign tourists prefer to visit China over India as India carries a negative image among foreign tourists in terms of hygiene, safety, and infrastructure.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Ayusia Sabhita Kusuma

Regarding the significance of Malacca Strait as a key maritime�s �choke-point� passage betweenIndian and Pacific oceans, some major countries become dependence with the security and safetyin Malacca Sea Lines of Communications (SLOC). China and India are two states-user ofMalacca Strait which sharing common interests of economic, maritime trade and energy supplies.The problem is, as a regional power of each region, India and China have an ambition to controlthe security of Malacca�s Strait. China which is more dependent with its 80% trade and energysupply through Malacca Strait, facing �Malacca dilemma� regarding the issue. Then, with thestrategy of �string of pearls� and the modernization of of People�s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN),China became assertive to save its interests. India, which has control over Indian Ocean then feelthreaten by China�s activities around Malacca Strait and Indian Ocean. India starts and enhancesthe development of Andaman Nicobar Command with US support near Malacca Straits to counterChina�s development. This paper will analyze the development of China�s dan India�s maritimestrategy rivalry in Malacca Straits with the concepts of balance of power and maritime strategy. Keywords: Malacca Strait, China�s maritime strategy, India�s maritime strategy, rivalry, balanceof power


2018 ◽  
Vol 2017 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ankur Kumar Jindal ◽  
Vingesh Pandiarajan ◽  
Raju Khubchandani ◽  
Nutan Kamath ◽  
Tapas Sabui ◽  
...  

Kawasaki disease (KD) is recognized as a leading cause of acquired heart disease in children in developed countries. Although global in distribution, Japan records the highest incidence of KD in the world. Epidemiological reports from the two most populous countries in the world, namely China and India, indicate that KD is now being increasingly recognized. Whether this increased reporting is due to increased ascertainment, or is due to a true increase in incidence, remains a matter of conjecture. The diagnosis and management of KD in developing countries is a challenging proposition. In this review we highlight some of the difficulties faced by physicians in managing children with KD in resource-constrained settings. 


Author(s):  
Joshua Castellino

Abstract China and India are comparable in size, complexity, and their relatively recent State-building histories. Commencing in 1947 and 1949 respectively, the relatively recent foundations of India and China highlighted a ‘unity in diversity’ message. The significance of this lay as much in ideology as in a pragmatism that was both central and relatively successful in bringing what could be argued as many civilizations into singular modern States. While the messages about diversity have always been contested in some quarters by rival ethno-nationalists, they remained significant in laying the foundations for a strong ‘national’ identity. To the majority populations, Hindu in India and Han in China this called for restraint to any triumphalism or chauvinism; to the minorities, they called for unshakeable loyalty in return for full citizenship rights. In both cases, these messages were backed by constructive affirmative action measures that, irrespective of their efficacy, served to emphasize the ‘unity in diversity’ message, sowing a degree of fealty towards the State over what may have been more prominent and compelling ethno-religious or ethno-linguistic cleavages. In recent years, however, this message has been significantly altered, as political majoritarianism has begun to oust legally or administratively determined minority protections. This article seeks to offer an assessment of the potential impact on this phenomenon on each country, arguing that it has contributed to instability, sowing seeds for the rise of opposing sub-national identities that the founding parents of each State actively sought to counter in their statecraft.


2016 ◽  
Vol 02 (02) ◽  
pp. 239-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keji Mao ◽  
Xiaoyang Tang

To enhance their economic engagement in Africa, both China and India have institutionalized their interactions with African countries through multilateral leaders’ summits. The Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and India-Africa Forum Summit (IAFS) held successively in late 2015 reveal many interesting trends of both countries’ relationships with Africa. Although India has intended to differentiate itself from China in diplomatic rhetoric, both countries actually share a number of vital commonalities in their trade relations with Africa. Following their respective summits, China’s and India’s engagement in the vast continent is likely to demonstrate distinctive styles, as the two countries possess different sets of political and economic resources at their disposal and tend to prioritize contrasting dimensions of economic engagement in Africa. In the long run, however, it is possible to establish a trilateral partnership that combines India’s remarkable “soft power” with China’s economic advantages to generate lasting industrialization and economic progress of Africa.


Water Policy ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (S1) ◽  
pp. 14-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo Araral ◽  
Shivani Ratra

We compare water governance between China and India in terms of water laws, policies and administration based on a survey of 182 water experts from 19 provinces/states. We find that water governance in China is consistently stronger compared with India across 17 indicators of water governance. We speculate that these variations could be attributed to differences in political, legal and administrative systems as well as levels of economic development and political system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 07 (04) ◽  
pp. 2050032
Author(s):  
Syed Moudud-Ul-Huq ◽  
Md. Nazmul Islam ◽  
Abdul Gaffar Khan ◽  
Md. Rostam Ali ◽  
Tanmay Biswas ◽  
...  

This paper revisited the relationship between capital buffers and risk adjustments by showing the impact of the business cycle. Empirically, we used an unbalanced panel dataset from 426 banks of the BRIC countries (i.e., Brazil, Russia, India, and China) for the period 2007–2016. By using the two-step system GMM (2GMM), this study shows the results as: (i) capital buffers of Russia, India, and China behave counter-cyclically while it is pro-cyclical for Brazilian banks over the business cycle; (ii) in BRIC’s economy, credit risk, and bank financial stability is related to business cycle in counter and pro-cyclical fashion, respectively; (iii) capital buffers adjustment speed is the premier in China and India, shining banks accessibility to capital refill is much easier to Brazil and Russia. The adjustment speed is heterogeneous across countries; and (iv) financial stability in apex for the Chinese, Russian, and Indian banks apart from the Brazilian banks.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shen Kunrong ◽  
Jin Gang

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to comprehensively examine the influence of formal and informal institutional differences on enterprise investment margin, mode and result. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on 2,440 micro samples of large-scale outbound investment from 609 Chinese enterprises from the years 2005 to 2016. Findings The study has found that formal institutional differences have little impact on investment scale, but significantly affect investment diversification. In order to avoid the management risks brought by formal institutional differences, enterprises tend to a full ownership structure. However, the choice between greenfield investment and cross-border mergers and acquisitions is not affected by formal institutional differences. In contrast, the impact of informal institutional differences is more extensive. Both formal and informal institutional differences significantly increase the probability of investment failure. Further research found that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) bridges the formal institutional differences. Originality/value The study concludes that developing the BRI, especially cultural exchanges with countries alongside the Belt and Road, will help enterprises to “go global” faster and better.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 384-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marketa Rickley

On the basis of the observation that today’s executives increasingly possess significant international experiences, this study of foreign subsidiary executive staffing strategies looks beyond the local/expatriate dichotomy and shifts the theoretical and empirical focus from executive nationality to a more nuanced examination of subsidiary executives’ international experience portfolios. The intended contribution of this study is to explore the relationship between home country–host country institutional differences and the quantity and quality of subsidiary executives’ previous international experience. I draw on executive cognition theory and the literature on international experience to hypothesize that variety and specificity of previous educational and professional international experiences facilitate subsidiary executives’ abilities to manage liabilities of foreignness arising from institutional distance. The findings indicate a positive relationship between home country–host country institutional distance and the presence of subsidiary executives with higher duration, count, and variety of international experiences. However, the findings provide no statistical evidence of higher levels of institutional distance being associated with a higher presence of subsidiary executives with specific international experiences that are relevant to the home country–host country pair.


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