Breaking the Cabinet’s Glass Ceiling: The Gendered Effect of Political Experience in Presidential Democracies

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402110474
Author(s):  
Don S. Lee ◽  
Charles T. McClean

Do ministers face gender discrimination in their career paths after entering presidential cabinets? Departing from past studies, which find little evidence of gender discrimination in more established democracies in Europe and the Americas, we argue that political experience can have a gendered effect on cabinet careers in newer democracies outside the West. Using fixed effects and matching designs, we analyze original data on the careers of 1,374 ministers from all major presidential democracies in Asia. Investigating the patterns of “cabinet promotions,” where ministers transfer from their initial cabinet appointment to a higher-prestige post, we confirm the null direct effect of gender in this new context. However, we also find important gender differences based on political experience, which helps women’s upward mobility in cabinets more than men. The finding that pathways to higher office differ by gender adds to our understanding of women’s representation in society.

2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 580-593 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nick Deschacht ◽  
Ann-Sophie De Pauw ◽  
Stijn Baert

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to test hypotheses regarding the importance of employee preferences in explaining sticky floors, the pattern that women are, compared to men, less likely to start to climb the job ladder. Design/methodology/approach The authors use original data obtained using a survey and a vignette study in which participants had to score the likeliness with which they would accept job offers with different promotion characteristics. Findings The main findings are that young female professionals have a less pronounced preference for more demanding and less routinary jobs and that this effect is mediated by the greater risk aversion and anticipated gender discrimination among women. No gender differences were found in the relative likeliness to apply for jobs that involve a promotion in terms of job authority. Research limitations/implications The vignette method assumes that artificial settings with low stakes do not bias results. Another limitation follows from the focus on inter-organizational promotions among young professionals, which raises the question to what extent the results can be generalized to broader settings. Originality/value This paper contributes to the literature on gender differences in careers by measuring the impact of employee preferences on gender differences in career decisions.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lena Hipp ◽  
Markus Konrad

Objective: This article analyzed gender differences in professional advancement following the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic based on data from open-source software developers in 37 countries. Background: Men and women may have been affected differently from the social distancing measures implemented to contain the Covid-19 pandemic. Given that men and women tend to work in different jobs and that they have been unequally involved in childcare duties, school and workplace closings may have impacted men’s and women’s professional lives unequally. Method: We analyzed original data from the world’s largest social coding community, GitHub. We first estimated a Holt-Winters forecast model to compare the predicted and the observed average weekly productivity of a random sample of male and female developers (N=177,480) during the first lockdown period in 2020. To explain the cross-country variation in the gendered effects of the Covid-19 pandemic on software developers’ productivity, we estimated two-way fixed effects models with different lockdown measures as predictors – school and workplace closures, in particular. Results: In most countries, both male and female developers were, on average, more productive than predicted, and productivity increased for both genders with increasing lockdown stringency. When examining the effects of the most relevant types of lockdown measures separately, we found that stay-at-home restrictions increased both men’s and women’s productivity and that workplace closures also increased the number of weekly contributions on average – but for women, only when schools were open. Conclusion: Having found gender differences in the effect of workplace closures contingent on school and daycare closures within a population that is relatively young and unlikely to have children (software developers), we conclude that the Covid-19 pandemic may indeed have contributed to increased gender inequalities in professional advancement.


2007 ◽  
Vol 22 (6) ◽  
pp. 497-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sue Shaw ◽  
Catherine Cassell

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to provide a piece of empirical work that examines gender differences in how academics make sense of performance within university business schools in the UK.Design/methodology/approachThe research reported draws on data collected using a life history and repertory grid methodology with male and female interviewees from two university business schools.FindingsThe findings are discussed in relation to how academics understand what is valued about their role and what they believe the organisation rewards and values when it comes to promotion. Gender differences are shown to exist in the ways women and men define the academic role and in what they think is important both to themselves and the institution.Originality/valueThe paper presents original data on gender differences within a business school context.


Author(s):  
Alexander Baturo ◽  
Johan A. Elkink

Abstract How can one assess which countries select more experienced leaders for the highest office? There is wide variation in prior career paths of national leaders within, and even more so between, regime types. It is therefore challenging to obtain a truly comparative measure of political experience; empirical studies have to rely on proxies instead. This article proposes PolEx, a measure of political experience that abstracts away from the details of career paths and generalizes based on the duration, quality and breadth of an individual's experience in politics. The analysis draws on a novel data set of around 2,000 leaders from 1950 to 2017 and uses a Bayesian latent variable model to estimate PolEx. The article illustrates how the new measure can be used comparatively to assess whether democracies select more experienced leaders. The authors find that while on average they do, the difference with non-democracies has declined dramatically since the early 2000s. Future research may leverage PolEx to investigate the role of prior political experience in, for example, policy making and crisis management.


2009 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 115-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce E. Moon

Prospects for democracy in Iraq should be assessed in light of the historical precedents of nations with comparable political experiences. Saddam Hussein's Iraq was an unusually extreme autocracy, which lasted an unusually long time. Since the end of the nineteenth century, only thirty nations have experienced an autocracy as extreme as Iraq's for a period exceeding two decades. The subsequent political experience of those nations offers a pessimistic forecast for Iraq and similar nations. Only seven of the thirty are now democratic, and only two of them have become established democracies; the democratic experiments in the other five are still in progress. Among the seven, the average time required to transit the path from extreme autocracy to coherent, albeit precarious, democracy has been fifty years, and only two have managed this transition in fewer than twenty-five years. Even this sober assessment is probably too optimistic, because Iraq lacks the structural conditions that theory and evidence indicate have been necessary for successful democratic transitions in the past. Thus, the odds of Iraq achieving democracy in the next quarter century are close to zero, at best about two in thirty, but probably far less.


2015 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter A.G. van Bergeijk

This paper revisits the empirical trade literature on East-West trade in the early 1990s and provides a replication of the traditional gravity findings of that period with the Baier-Bergstrand version of the model, providing thereby better estimates of the trade hindering impact of the Cold War by including multilateral and world resistance factors and simultaneously considering country fixed effects. Breaking down the Cold War Walls increased world trade by 2.7% of world GDP. The replication with the Baier-Bergstrand model also reveals that Cold War trade distortions also significantly impacted China’s trade with the West.


ILR Review ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 001979392093071
Author(s):  
Boris Groysberg ◽  
Paul Healy ◽  
Eric Lin

The authors investigate what determines differences in change in pay between men and women executives who move to new employers. Using proprietary data of 2,034 executive placements from a global search firm, the authors observe narrower pay differences between men and women after job moves. The unconditional gap shrinks from 21.5% in the prior employer to 15% in the new employer. After controlling for typical explanatory factors, the residual gap falls by almost 30%, from 8.5% at the prior employer to 6.1% in the new placement. This change reflects a relative increase in performance-based compensation for women and a lower level of unexplained pay inequality generally in external placements. Controlling for individual fixed effects, observed women have higher pay raises than do men. Finally, the authors find suggestive evidence that pay differences may also be moderated by differences in the supply and demand for women executives.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172090658
Author(s):  
Matthew Polacko ◽  
Oliver Heath ◽  
Michael S Lewis-Beck ◽  
Ruth Dassonneville

Past research on the relationship between income inequality and turnout has produced mixed results, with some studies suggesting that income inequality leads to lower turnout while other studies find little or no significant effects. In this article, we investigate the extent to which these mixed results are due to the contingent nature of inequality on turnout, which depends upon the nature of the policy options that are presented to the electorate. We test these expectations on data from national elections in 30 established democracies from 1965 through 2017 covering 300 elections. Regression analysis using country-level fixed effects reveals consistent evidence in favor of our hypotheses: Inequality tends to have a negative impact on turnout, especially in depolarized party systems, but as party system polarization increases the negative impact of inequality is mitigated.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vânia Mendes ◽  
Cláudia Ribeiro ◽  
Inês Delgado ◽  
Bárbara Peleteiro ◽  
Martine Aggerbeck ◽  
...  

AbstractChlordane compounds (CHLs) are components of technical chlordane listed in the Stockholm convention on persistent organic pollutants identified as endocrine disrupting chemicals (EDCs) and may interfere with hormone biosynthesis, metabolism or action resulting in an unbalanced hormonal function. There is increasing scientific evidence showing EDCs as risk factors in the pathogenesis and development of obesity and obesity-related metabolic syndromes such as type 2 diabetes, but there is no systematized information on the effect of CHLs in humans. Our aim is to identify the epidemiological data on the association between CHLs with adiposity and diabetes using a systematic approach to identify the available data and summarizing the results through meta-analysis. We searched PubMed and Web of Science from inception up to 15 February 2021, to retrieve original data on the association between chlordanes, and adiposity or diabetes. For adiposity, regression coefficients and Pearson or Spearman correlation coefficients were extracted and converted into standardized regression coefficients. Data were combined using fixed effects meta-analyses to compute summary regression coefficients and corresponding 95% confidence intervals (95% CI). For the association between chlordanes and diabetes, Odds ratios (ORs) were extracted and the DerSimonian and Laird method was used to compute summary estimates and respective 95% CI. For both, adjusted estimates were preferred, whenever available. Among 31 eligible studies, mostly using a cross-sectional approach, the meta-analysis for adiposity was possible only for oxychlordane and transchlordane, none of them were significantly associated with adiposity [(β = 0.04, 95% CI 0.00; 0.07, I2 = 89.7%)] and (β = 0.02, 95% CI − 0.01; 0.06), respectively. For diabetes, the estimates were positive for all compounds but statistically significant for oxychlordane [OR = 1.96 (95% CI 1.19; 3.23)]; for trans-nonachlor [OR = 2.43 (95% CI 1.64; 3.62)] and for heptachlor epoxide [OR = 1.88 (95% CI 1.42; 2.49)]. Our results support that among adults, the odds of having diabetes significantly increase with increasing levels of chlordanes. The data did not allow to reach a clear conclusion regarding the association with adiposity.


2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siim Trumm

The literature on post-communist democracies has traditionally suggested that organisational strength is considerably less important for electoral success than extensive media-based campaigns. Recent studies on party-level electoral dynamics, however, indicate that this might not be the case any longer. Building on these insights, this study goes beyond the party-level analyses of electoral success and failure by focusing on the electoral fortunes of individual candidates in a post-communist democracy. Using original data from the 2011 Estonian Candidate Survey, this article looks at the comparative impact of candidates’ campaign spending and the strength of their local party organisation, alongside other potentially relevant characteristics, on their likelihood of getting elected and vote share. The findings suggest that candidates’ electoral performance in Estonia is still first and foremost shaped by their own campaign spending. In addition, I find evidence that candidates fare better if they have prior local-level and national-level political experience, conduct more personalised campaigns, and are positioned higher up on their party’s district-level list.


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