Beyond Institutional Collective Action: Why and When Do Metropolitan Governments Collaborate?

2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 197-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manlio F. Castillo

The essay explores why and when metropolitan governments collaborate beyond the assumptions of the Institutional Collective Action (ICA) framework. It claims that metropolitan governments not only create collaborative arrangements after comparing their costs and benefits, or when spontaneously their agendas get aligned. This article argues that the success of metropolitan interlocal collaboration also rests on the proclivity to collaboration of independent local governments’ institutional structures, which, in turn, depends on how local governments and their management capabilities have been shaped and evolved, both individually and comparatively with neighboring governments. Additionally, the article classifies and explains four basic models of metropolitan collaborative arrangements.

2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 858-886 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric S. Zeemering

As neighboring federal systems, Canada and the United States provide an opportunity to compare institutional collective action (ICA) by proximate local governments. After explaining the importance of understanding local governance in Canada and the United States in comparative context, the ICA framework is used to highlight propositions along two paths of inquiry. First, the ICA framework can be used to compare responses to ICA dilemmas in two distinct systems of local governance, focusing on the comparative instance of use and performance of ICA mechanisms. Second, the ICA framework can be used to analyze collaboration and paradiplomacy across the international border. Deploying the ICA framework for comparative research can improve our understanding of local governance and local government reform in both countries.


2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-85
Author(s):  
Park Jong Sun

This study applies the Institutional Collective Action Framework to two cases: proposals for the construction of Taekwondo Park and the location of a nuclear waste dump site in Booahn. While the proposed park caused excessive competition because its benefits were overestimated and its private goods were considered necessary, the proposed nuclear waste site resulted in excessive conflict because of uncertainty about its potential harms and because its public goods were considered unnecessary. The former case showed homogeneity of political power and cooperation based on trust, whereas the latter case showed heterogeneity of political power and conflict based on distrust. Both cases showed politicians` active participation based on their reelection goals and a blocked network structure between central and local governments. Stakeholders in both cases showed strong internal ties with other stakeholders with similar potential political and economic benefits.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 501-523
Author(s):  
Antônio Sérgio Araújo Fernandes ◽  
Lauro Santos Pinheiro ◽  
Alex Bruno F. M. do Nascimento ◽  
Eduardo José Grin

Abstract This article analyzes the factors that affect local governments’ decision-making processes on whether to engage in cooperative agreements through intermunicipal consortia. Several studies have examined this issue in Western developed countries, but there is a gap in the literature regarding the phenomenon in the developing world. The research addresses this gap and observes the Brazilian local governments’ policies on waste services, focusing on cooperative agreements such as interlocal consortia. These arrangements may be a solution to the political and managerial challenges of providing public services in many areas, including waste collection, treatment, and disposal. However, it is still unclear what factors influence municipalities in their decision to cooperate. Based on cross-sectional research exploring 963 Brazilian municipalities and on the perspective of Institutional Collective Action, this study identified characteristics of communities, transaction characteristics of goods, and the structure of policy networks that influence the local governments in their decision to work cooperatively. The findings shed light on the field of public policies, particularly those carried out through intermunicipal consortia.


Author(s):  
Manoj K. Shrestha ◽  
Richard C. Feiock

Local governments frequently network with other local governments or other entities for efficient or effective delivery of local services. Networks enable local governments to discover ways to address externalities and diseconomies of scale produced by political fragmentation, functional interconnection, and uneven distribution of knowledge and resources. Local government networking can be informal or formal and bilateral or multilateral, in the form of deliberative forums or mutual aid agreements. This chapter uses the institutional collective action framework to underscore the link between problems of coordination and credibility of commitment that local governments face as they seek self-organizing solutions and the bridging and bonding networks they create in response to these problems. It then reviews the current state of scholarship in local government networks (LGNs) and shows that much progress has been made in both egocentric and whole LGN studies. Finally, it highlights important areas needing attention to advance LGN scholarship.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas G Bauroth

In reaction to major flooding, local governments in Minnesota and North Dakota formed a cooperative network to construct a $1.2 billion flood diversion along the Red River of the North. Threatened by this diversion, a second set of governments formed their own network in opposition to flood policy. This study uses propositions derived from the Institutional Collective Action framework to examine formal contracts at the core of these cooperative networks, as well as the circumstances under which the contracts were negotiated. It considers the ability of the framework to understand interlocal cooperation where regional consensus is nonexistent. The study finds that the two sets of governments faced very different transaction costs, resulting in contrasting approaches to governance.


2008 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 161-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga Kaganova ◽  
Abdirasul Akmatov ◽  
Charles Undeland

The Urban Institute (UI) worked with five cities in post‐Soviet Kyrgyzstan to apply better management practices through the development of Strategic Land Management Plans. Kyrgyzstan transferred property to local governments, but municipal land management had remained poor owing to a proliferation of responsible agencies, lack of rule of law, corruption, and passiveness on the part of local governments. UI worked with local governments to make an inventory of municipal land, publicize the results, and develop a strategy that articulated principles for land management and an implementation plan. This led to several improvements including proper registration of parcels and proactive policies to lease and sell land through open competition. It also established a model for determining public policy that countered corruption and public deliberation of costs and benefits in the use of local assets. Donor involvement to promote good land legislation, the property registration system, and decentralization was also critical to success. Santrauka Urbanistikos institutas bendradarbiavo su penkiais posovietinės Kirgizijos miestais, kad, plėtodamas strateginės žemėtvarkos planus, įvestų geresnę vadybos praktiką. Kirgizijoje nuosavybė perduota vietos valdžiai, tačiau žemėtvarkos būklė savivaldybėse išliko vargana dėl atsakingų tarnybų gausos, įstatymų trūkumo, korupcijos ir vietos valdžios pasyvumo. Urbanistikos institutas bendradarbiavo su vietos valdžia, siekdamas inventorizuoti savivaldybių žemę, paskelbti rezultatus ir sukurti strategiją, pabrėžiančią žemėtvarkos principus ir įgyvendinimo planą. Tai leido kai ką patobulinti, įskaitant deramą sklypų registravimą ir aktyvią žemės nuomos bei pardavimo per atvirus konkursus politiką. Be to, sudarytas modelis, nustatantis viešąją politiką, kovojančią su korupcija, ir viešus sąnaudų ir naudos svarstymus naudojant vietinį turtą. Prie gerų žemės įstatymų, nuosavybės registravimo sistemos ir decentralizacijos sėkmingo propagavimo daug prisidėjo ir rėmėjai.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Cindy Ni Nyoman Sadvaraz ◽  
Zuliansyah Putra Zulkarnain

This article aims to analyze the strategic management capabilities of Population and Civil Registry Service Agency/PCRSA (Dinas Kependudukan dan Catatan Sipil/Dukcapil) of Depok City in administering the Child Identity Card/CIC National Program. Considering the scope and the high level of complexity, the Ministry of Home Affairs/MoHA picked several local governments as pilot project, and one of them is the Depok Government. This selection is inseparable from the Depok City priority program, namely Child Friendly City which has been launched one year before the CIC Program was started by MoHA in 2017. However, the CIC program could not meet the target set. To analyze these problems, this article employs the strategic management capabilities dimension. By using PCRSA of Depok City as the case study, this article explains the presence of the following strategic management capabilities: (a) the ability to manage authority indicates that the hierarchical based authority practice is not based on development of ideas and knowledge; (b) integration of system and structure is not yet achieved thoroughly across organizations of Depok City Government, instead, it is limited to PCRSA; (c) networking between PCRSA and private sector tend to be passive and is not built upon common goals and exchange of resources between actora; and (d) changes in ideas and strategic plans are still sporadic mainly due to COVID-19 pandemic, even though the need for change has appeared before the pandemic, such as the application of electronic-based services.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-30
Author(s):  
Priyatno Harsasto

Social capital is a result of social movement  and vice versa. Social movement’s theories such as the mobilization of resource model tries to explain the anatomy of collective action in the context of liberal political system in the West. These theories can be used to dechiper collective action in general but may be not enough to explain rural social action in Indonesia which under transitional democracy political regime. In present rural Indonesia,  social movement participated by “weak” groups of peasants break out most frequently. These peasents movements are against local governments or enterprises who distupt citizens’  rights. The civic protest against semen enterprise in Maitan Village in Pati District is the case in point. The social networks created thecollective action. However, the horizontal networks among  protesters themselves cannot be succesful without the help of vertical network such as support that they may have received from high-ranking officials in the local government bureaucracy.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Serena Y. Kim ◽  
William L. Swann ◽  
Christopher M. Weible ◽  
Thomas Bolognesi ◽  
Rachel M. Krause ◽  
...  

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document