scholarly journals The Influence of Contextual Factors on Collective Actions for Locating Facilities with Externalities: Applying the Institutional Collective Action Framework

2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-85
Author(s):  
Park Jong Sun

This study applies the Institutional Collective Action Framework to two cases: proposals for the construction of Taekwondo Park and the location of a nuclear waste dump site in Booahn. While the proposed park caused excessive competition because its benefits were overestimated and its private goods were considered necessary, the proposed nuclear waste site resulted in excessive conflict because of uncertainty about its potential harms and because its public goods were considered unnecessary. The former case showed homogeneity of political power and cooperation based on trust, whereas the latter case showed heterogeneity of political power and conflict based on distrust. Both cases showed politicians` active participation based on their reelection goals and a blocked network structure between central and local governments. Stakeholders in both cases showed strong internal ties with other stakeholders with similar potential political and economic benefits.

2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 197-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manlio F. Castillo

The essay explores why and when metropolitan governments collaborate beyond the assumptions of the Institutional Collective Action (ICA) framework. It claims that metropolitan governments not only create collaborative arrangements after comparing their costs and benefits, or when spontaneously their agendas get aligned. This article argues that the success of metropolitan interlocal collaboration also rests on the proclivity to collaboration of independent local governments’ institutional structures, which, in turn, depends on how local governments and their management capabilities have been shaped and evolved, both individually and comparatively with neighboring governments. Additionally, the article classifies and explains four basic models of metropolitan collaborative arrangements.


2019 ◽  
Vol 243 ◽  
pp. 839-854
Author(s):  
Yujeong Yang ◽  
Wei Chen

AbstractWhile Chinese local governments remain extremely wary of workers’ collective actions, they do not always suppress them; sometimes, they tolerate such actions and even seek to placate workers. What accounts for these different government responses to workers’ collective actions? Based on a sample of over 1,491 collective action cases that took place in Guangdong between 2011 and 2016, we find that the types of demands raised by workers during collective actions affect how local governments respond. Local governments are likely to forcefully intervene in collective actions in which workers make defensive claims concerning issues of payment. In contrast, local governments are likely to use non-forceful approaches in response to actions in which workers make defensive claims regarding social security.


2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 858-886 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric S. Zeemering

As neighboring federal systems, Canada and the United States provide an opportunity to compare institutional collective action (ICA) by proximate local governments. After explaining the importance of understanding local governance in Canada and the United States in comparative context, the ICA framework is used to highlight propositions along two paths of inquiry. First, the ICA framework can be used to compare responses to ICA dilemmas in two distinct systems of local governance, focusing on the comparative instance of use and performance of ICA mechanisms. Second, the ICA framework can be used to analyze collaboration and paradiplomacy across the international border. Deploying the ICA framework for comparative research can improve our understanding of local governance and local government reform in both countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 501-523
Author(s):  
Antônio Sérgio Araújo Fernandes ◽  
Lauro Santos Pinheiro ◽  
Alex Bruno F. M. do Nascimento ◽  
Eduardo José Grin

Abstract This article analyzes the factors that affect local governments’ decision-making processes on whether to engage in cooperative agreements through intermunicipal consortia. Several studies have examined this issue in Western developed countries, but there is a gap in the literature regarding the phenomenon in the developing world. The research addresses this gap and observes the Brazilian local governments’ policies on waste services, focusing on cooperative agreements such as interlocal consortia. These arrangements may be a solution to the political and managerial challenges of providing public services in many areas, including waste collection, treatment, and disposal. However, it is still unclear what factors influence municipalities in their decision to cooperate. Based on cross-sectional research exploring 963 Brazilian municipalities and on the perspective of Institutional Collective Action, this study identified characteristics of communities, transaction characteristics of goods, and the structure of policy networks that influence the local governments in their decision to work cooperatively. The findings shed light on the field of public policies, particularly those carried out through intermunicipal consortia.


Author(s):  
Manoj K. Shrestha ◽  
Richard C. Feiock

Local governments frequently network with other local governments or other entities for efficient or effective delivery of local services. Networks enable local governments to discover ways to address externalities and diseconomies of scale produced by political fragmentation, functional interconnection, and uneven distribution of knowledge and resources. Local government networking can be informal or formal and bilateral or multilateral, in the form of deliberative forums or mutual aid agreements. This chapter uses the institutional collective action framework to underscore the link between problems of coordination and credibility of commitment that local governments face as they seek self-organizing solutions and the bridging and bonding networks they create in response to these problems. It then reviews the current state of scholarship in local government networks (LGNs) and shows that much progress has been made in both egocentric and whole LGN studies. Finally, it highlights important areas needing attention to advance LGN scholarship.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas G Bauroth

In reaction to major flooding, local governments in Minnesota and North Dakota formed a cooperative network to construct a $1.2 billion flood diversion along the Red River of the North. Threatened by this diversion, a second set of governments formed their own network in opposition to flood policy. This study uses propositions derived from the Institutional Collective Action framework to examine formal contracts at the core of these cooperative networks, as well as the circumstances under which the contracts were negotiated. It considers the ability of the framework to understand interlocal cooperation where regional consensus is nonexistent. The study finds that the two sets of governments faced very different transaction costs, resulting in contrasting approaches to governance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 685-697
Author(s):  
Hanju Lee

This study aims to examine the features of the creation and operation of ecomuseums at wide-area and (metropolitan) local government levels and to analyze their improvements and limitations based on an analysis of a case study on the “Gyeonggi Bay Ecomuseum.” This study also reveals the necessity and direction for ecomuseums led by metropolitan local governments. It attempts to find ways to expand the Gyeonggi Bay Ecomuseum and apply lessons from this ecomuseum to other planned wide-area ecomuseums in South Korea. Overall, this study intends to derive the sustainability of wide-area ecomuseums, and their utility and potential as a means to revitalize the region.  The Gyeonggi Bay Ecomuseum is a meaningful case study as it was created in a wide area called the Gyeonggi Bay and was led by a metropolitan local government, along with the official claim as an ecomuseum; the museum creation project also progressed in a phased approach. However, there are issues such as organization problems of the ecomuseum and the absence of resident participation, integrated programs, and an archive center.  Therefore, this study presents measures to overcome these obstacles: the establishment of a core ecomuseum and an exhibition center, the development of joint programs, the continuous security of funds and human resources, and measures to generate economic benefits for residents. This study also suggests spatial/functional expansion from being the “Gyeonggi Bay Ecomuseum” to the “Gyeonggi Province Ecomuseum.”   Keywords: Ecomuseum, Wide-area unit, Lead of local governments, Gyeonggi Bay, Regional revitalization   


Author(s):  
Yuriy Kyrychenko ◽  
Hanna Davlyetova

The article examines the role of political parties in modern state-building processes in Ukraine. The place of political parties in the political and legal system of society is determined. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered. It is noted that political parties play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, act as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities, influence the formation of public opinion and the position of citizens directly involved in elections to public authorities and local governments. It is determined that in a modern democratic society, political parties carry out their activities in the following areas: the work of representatives of political parties in public authorities and local governments; participation in elections of state authorities and local self-government bodies; promoting the formation and expression of political will of citizens, which involves promoting the formation and development of their political legal consciousness. These areas of political parties determine their role and importance in a modern democratic society, which determines the practical need to improve their activities and improve the national legislation of Ukraine in the field of political parties. Political parties are one of the basic institutions of modern society, they actively influence the ac-tivities of public authorities, economic and social processes taking place in the state and so on. It is through political parties that the people participate in the management of public affairs. Expressing the interest of different social communities, they become a link between the state and civil society. The people have the opportunity to delegate their powers to political parties, which achieves the ability of the people to control political power in several ways, which at the same time through competition of state political institutions and political parties contributes to increasing their responsibility to the people. It is noted that the political science literature has more than 200 definitions of political parties. And approaches to the definition of this term significantly depend on the general context in which this issue was studied by the researcher. It was emphasized that today in Ukraine there are important issues related to the activities of political parties. First of all, it is a significant number of registered political parties that are incapable, ie their political activity is conducted formally or not at all. According to official data from the Department of State Registration and Notary of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine, 352 political parties are registered, of which 48 political parties do not actually function. The reason for the liquidation of such parties is not to nominate their candidates for the election of the President of Ukraine and People's Deputies of Ukraine for 10 years. According to this indicator, Ukraine ranks first among other European countries. Thus, 73 political parties are officially registered in Latvia, 38 in Lithuania, 45 in Moldova, 124 in Romania, and 56 in Slovakia. However, despite the large number of officially registered political parties in Ukraine, public confidence in their activities is low. It is concluded that political parties occupy a special place in the political and legal system of society and play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, as well as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered, namely: introduction of effective and impartial control over activity of political parties; creating conditions for reducing the number of political parties, encouraging their unification; establishment of effective and efficient sanctions for violation of the requirements of the current legislation of Ukraine by political parties.


1980 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 419-451
Author(s):  
Craig Calhoun

During the 1820s and early 1830s, two largely different populations of working people lived alongside each other in the region surrounding Manchester. Today, they represent, in an important and clear contrast, the social foundations which have supported distinctive directions of popular protest and collective action. The theory of working-class radicalism, as developed by Marx and others, has tended to confound the two. The necessary radicalism and fundamental opposition to the growth of capitalist industry of more traditional communities of craft workers was wedded to the concentrated numbers of new industrial workers and the clarity of their exploitation by capitalists. This marriage took place in theory, but not in concrete social movements. The working class emerged as a foundation for basically reformist collective actions, while the radical and reactionary populist craftsmen lost the war of the industrial revolution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-30
Author(s):  
Priyatno Harsasto

Social capital is a result of social movement  and vice versa. Social movement’s theories such as the mobilization of resource model tries to explain the anatomy of collective action in the context of liberal political system in the West. These theories can be used to dechiper collective action in general but may be not enough to explain rural social action in Indonesia which under transitional democracy political regime. In present rural Indonesia,  social movement participated by “weak” groups of peasants break out most frequently. These peasents movements are against local governments or enterprises who distupt citizens’  rights. The civic protest against semen enterprise in Maitan Village in Pati District is the case in point. The social networks created thecollective action. However, the horizontal networks among  protesters themselves cannot be succesful without the help of vertical network such as support that they may have received from high-ranking officials in the local government bureaucracy.


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