scholarly journals Internationalized Framing in Social Movements against Mining in India and the Philippines

2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-218
Author(s):  
Radhika Borde ◽  
Elisabet Dueholm Rasch
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Environmental Protection ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Other ◽  
Cultural Rights ◽  
Mining Companies

There are several documented cases of indigenous peoples’ conflicts with mining companies, often for the reason that the land planned for mining is sacred or culturally significant to them. This article presents a comparative analysis of two specific anti-mining social movements in India and the Philippines that combined an emphasis on environmental protection with an emphasis on indigenous cultural rights. We show how the emphasis on indigeneity in these social movements played itself out in relation to globalized frames, as well as the other frames within which the movements were also situated.

scholarly journals From Colonialism to Neoliberalism: Critical Reflections on Philippine Mining in the "Long Twentieth Century"

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alvin Camba
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Capital Expenditure ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Other ◽  
Archival Data ◽  
Mining Companies ◽  
Copper Nickel ◽  
Operational Costs ◽  
Iron Copper ◽  
The One

Through an analysis of archival data and findings from interviews with industry leaders, I explore the genesis, rise, and fall of the various Philippine mineral regimes of the twentieth century. Specifically, I examine the background of successive and overlapping colonial and neocolonial powers in three eras: late colonial (1901-1941), national developmental (1945-1964), and state authoritarianism (1965-1985). I also briefly examine the current neoliberal mineral regime (1986-present). I argue that, to date, capitalist enterprises and neocolonial powers have pursued two contradictory paths to extract precious (gold and silver) and base (chromite, iron, copper, nickel, magnesium, and ore) metals in the Philippines. On the one hand, mining companies appropriated expansive land, underpriced labor and inexpensive food to subsidize capital expenditure and mineral operations. The appropriation of basic inputs - or what is referred to as "cheap natures" - allowed these companies to reduce their sunken investments and operational costs. But on the other hand, as the sector developed more, it became increasingly difficult to appropriate such "cheap natures." While initially profitable because of successful appropriation of "cheap natures," companies eventually experienced decreasing returns because of the problems this caused.

Securing Land Rights through Indigenousness: A Case from the Philippine Cordillera Highlands

2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Titia Schippers
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Land Rights ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Indigenous Community ◽  
Indigenous Populations ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Mining Companies ◽  
Municipal Council ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Individual

AbstractThe Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (1997) offers indigenous peoples in the Philippines the opportunity to obtain title to an ‘ancestral domain’. This article discusses how leaders of the Bakun Indigenous Tribes Organization (BITO) in the Cordillera Highlands strategically used the state-sponsored indigenous-peoples discourse and political-administrative structure to acquire land rights for the inhabitants of the municipality of Bakun. Though the inhabitants did not necessarily identify themselves as indigenous, they welcomed land rights as a protection against unwelcome incursions by mining companies and other extractive projects. However, the discourse of indigenous peoples’ rights tends to essentialise the difference between indigenous and non-indigenous populations. Being indigenous has become a politicised identity whose bearers are expected to prefer the ‘traditional’ over the ‘modern’, the ‘collective’ over the ‘individual’. In Bakun, moreover, the discourse of indigenous peoples’ rights eventually became an arena in which a power struggle was played out between BITO and the municipal council, both belonging to the indigenous community.

scholarly journals Violência, memória e novas gramáticas da resistência: o desastre da Samarco no Rio Doce

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (32) ◽  
pp. 51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andréa Zhouri
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Environmental Protection ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Heuristic Principle ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Conventional Models ◽  
Forms Of Violence ◽  
Scale Variation

A partir do desastre da Samarco no Rio Doce, em curso desde 2015, o texto reflete sobre formas de produção da violência em torno de práticas institucionais e políticas que fazem o neoextrativismo possível no Brasil. Desta forma, aponta para processos como: revisão das leis e desmanche das instituições de proteção ambiental e cuidado com os direitos indígenas, quilombolas e povos tradicionais; deslocamento da política para a polícia, sinalizando as estratégias de criminalização de movimentos sociais, lideranças, mediadores e pesquisadores por parte de grupos transnacionais extrativos e do Estado. Por fm, apresenta novas gramáticas da resistência que, no caso específco, ao atualizarem elementos da tradicionalidade, como as celebrações próprias do catolicismo popular, colocam-se de orma autônoma em relação aos modelos convencionais e burocratizados de atuação política sob disciplinamento do Estado e do mercado. Para fazer esta análise, o texto aciona o princípio heurístico da variação de escalas que entrelaça processos globais, nacionais e locais na reprodução de violências históricas que, por outro lado, fazem emergir novos esforços de subjetivação nos territórios.Palavras-chave: Desastre. Mineração. Violência. Resistência. Rio Doce.VIOLENCE, MEMORY AND NEW FORMS OF RESISTANCE: THE SAMARCO DISASTER IN THE RIO DOCEAbstractBased on the Samarco disaster, ongoing in the Rio Doce since 2015, the article reflects about forms of violence production around institutional and political practices that make neo-extractivism possible in Brazil.Thus, it points to processes such as the revision of laws and the dismantling of environmental protection institutions and agencies responsible for policies related to indigenous, quilombolas and traditional peoples rights; the displacement of politics to the police, signaling the strategies of criminalization of social movements, mediators and researchers by transnational extractive groups and the State. Finally, it presents new modalities of resistance that, in this ethnographic case, by updating elements of traditionality, such as the celebrations proper to popular Catholicism, stand for autonomy in face of the conventional models of political action under both market and State discipline. To make this analysis, the text triggers the heuristic principle of scale variation that intertwines global, national and local processes in the reproduction of historical patterns of violence that, on the other hand, give rise to new efforts of subjectivation in the territories.Keywords: Disaster. Mining. Violence. Resistance. Rio Doce.

Popular Movements in Colonial Brazil

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura de Mello e Souza ◽  
João José Reis
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
The Other ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
Slave Rebellions ◽  
The People ◽  
Manual Labour ◽  
Popular Movements

To speak of popular movements in Brazil before 1822 raises problems, especially if European and Atlantic contexts are considered. Who are the people, and how would they manifest themselves in a social formation marked by three centuries of slavery that not only deeply influenced the lives of Brazil's inhabitants but also articulated all economic and social relations, and radically demeaned the value of manual labour? Bondage in Brazil involved millions of slaves from Africa, and before that, the enslavement of thousands of indigenous peoples; this diversity occasioned much tension and conflict. Similarly, since Portuguese America was a group of colonial territories subject to a monarchical regime located on the other side of the Atlantic, animosities developed between those who lived in the kingdom (Reino) and those who lived and, more particularly, were born in America. Consequently, numerous social movements gained an anti-metropolitan, even anti-colonial, character without, until the early nineteenth century, mobilizing any significant popular participation. It is, therefore, important to differentiate between social movements and popular movements; the latter included slave rebellions.

scholarly journals Inclusive Education for Ethnic Minorities in the Developing World: The Case of Alternative Learning System for Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 409
Author(s):  
Maria Rita R. Cucio ◽  
Ma. Divina Gracia Z. Roldan
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Development ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Inclusive Education ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Developing World ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Learning System ◽  
Alternative Learning ◽  
Cultural Rights

Education is integral to achieving sustainable development.  It is through education that an improved quality of life ensues with people’s acquisition of knowledge and skills beneficial to society, at large. Inclusive education, however, is an issue among countries with marginalized ethnic groups. In Europe, the onslaught of migrants from various parts of the world challenges educational systems to be more attuned to the needs of children of migrant families. In Asia, on the other hand, a gnawing concern is for education to reach indigenous peoples in rural areas. This paper examines how inclusive education is key to accomplishing Sustainable Development Goal 4 which is “to ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all”.  It tackles the accessibility of alternative learning systems in the developing world, with the Philippines as a case in point.  This paper focuses on the process of interface utilized by the Philippines’ Department of Education and the Ayta, an indigenous group living in the Philippine province of Zambales to address the unique conditions of this marginalized ethnic minority. It also investigates the effects of these indigenization efforts on the Ayta’s cultural rights. This paper uses mixed methods such as key informant interview, focus group discussion, survey questionnaire, secondary research and Filipino psychology research methods. This paper underscores how partnership between government and stakeholders is significant in arriving at the goal of inclusive education. This is reflected in the collaborative relationship fostered between the Philippine government and the Ayta and how the partnership positively affected the Ayta’s cultural rights based on a more culturally-appropriate educational curriculum. Key words: inclusive education, indigenous people’s education framework, alternative learning system, ethnic minorities, Philippines

Indigenous Peoples in the Midst of COVID-19

2021 ◽  
pp. 36-50
Author(s):  
Christopher Ryan Maboloc
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Global Health ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Other ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Global Order ◽  
Health Crisis ◽  
Extreme Poverty

Indigenous peoples are on the receiving end of an unjust global order that favors the affluent and powerful. As the coronavirus pandemic was raging in early 2020, the global economy came to a halt. Extreme poverty is expected to increase due to the pandemic. Right now, developing countries such as the Philippines struggle to get the vaccines due to supply problems. The coronavirus crisis is exacerbated by two issues – populism and nationalism. Populism is an ideology in which some politicians paint a picture of poor people being dominated by society's elite. On the other hand, nationalism is the protectionist tendency of some countries to preserve their citizens' interests. Both threaten the hope of a return to normalcy after the pandemic, especially for indigenous peoples. This chapter will examine populism and nationalism, in contrast to the concept of solidarity, when it comes to the effort to overcome the COVID-19 global health crisis.

Republicanism, Communism, Islam

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
John T. Sidel
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Vantage Point ◽  
The Other ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Asian History ◽  
The One ◽  
Local Cultures

This book provides an alternate vantage point for understanding the variegated forms and trajectories of revolution across the Philippines, Indonesia, and Việtnam, a perspective that is de-nationalized, internationalized, and transnationalized. The book positions this new vantage point against the conventional framing of revolutions in modern Southeast Asian history in terms of a nationalist template, on the one hand, and distinctive local cultures and forms of consciousness, on the other. The book's comparative analysis shows how — in very different, decisive, and often surprising ways — the Philippine, Indonesian, and Việtnamese revolutions were informed, enabled, and impelled by diverse cosmopolitan connections and international conjunctures. It addresses the role of Freemasonry in the making of the Philippine revolution, the importance of Communism and Islam in Indonesia's Revolusi, and the influence that shifting political currents in China and anticolonial movements in Africa had on Việtnamese revolutionaries. Through this assessment, the book tracks how these forces, rather than nationalism per se, shaped the forms of these revolutions, the ways in which they unfolded, and the legacies which they left in their wakes.

Review: Islam and politics in Iranian Kurdistan at a time of revolution: the life of Ahmad Moftizadeh

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-87
Author(s):  
Martin Van Bruinessen
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Other ◽  
Islam And Politics ◽  
Cultural Rights ◽  
Revolutionary Regime

Ali Ezzatyar, The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan: Ethnic and Religious Implications in the Greater Middle East. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. xv + 246 pp., (ISBN 978-1-137-56525-9 hardback).For a brief period in 1979, when the Kurds had begun confronting Iran’s new Islamic revolutionary regime and were voicing demands for autonomy and cultural rights, Ahmad Moftizadeh was one of the most powerful men in Iranian Kurdistan. He was the only Kurdish leader who shared the new regime’s conviction that a just social and political order could be established on the basis of Islamic principles. The other Kurdish movements were firmly secular, even though many of their supporters were personally pious Muslims.

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