Migration and International Relations: Cooperation and Control in the European Community

1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 568-595 ◽  
Author(s):  
James F. Hollifield
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Migration ◽  
European Community ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Population Movements ◽  
Internal Politics ◽  
And Control

International migration in the post-World War II period raises many questions for the study of international relations. The movement of individuals across national borders clearly affects relations between states, and it has had in some cases dramatic effects on the internal politics of states, particularly the liberal democracies of Western Europe. But despite its importance, theorists of international relations have yet to develop a framework for understanding international migration. Attention has been focused either on the economics (push-pull) or the politics (policies) of migration, without any clear attempt to examine the way in which the interaction of politics and markets affects migration. Special attention is given to the role of international institutions—such as the European Community—in regulating population movements, and to the prospects for the development of migration “regimes” in Europe and North America. The author finds that international migration reveals a contradiction between the main economic purpose of the postwar international order—to promote exchange—and the national perquisites of sovereignty and citizenship.

Charles de Gaulle and European Community

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 70-81
Author(s):  
David Ramiro Troitino ◽  
Tanel Kerikmae ◽  
Olga Shumilo
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
European Community ◽  
World War ◽  
Charles De Gaulle ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common ◽  
Post War ◽  
De Gaulle

This article highlights the role of Charles de Gaulle in the history of united post-war Europe, his approaches to the internal and foreign French policies, also vetoing the membership of the United Kingdom in the European Community. The authors describe the emergence of De Gaulle as a politician, his uneasy relationship with Roosevelt and Churchill during World War II, also the roots of developing a “nationalistic” approach to regional policy after the end of the war. The article also considers the emergence of the Common Agricultural Policy (hereinafter - CAP), one of Charles de Gaulle’s biggest achievements in foreign policy, and the reasons for the Fouchet Plan defeat.

scholarly journals The role of Anglo-German Naval Agreement in escalation of crisis trends of the Versailles system (based on the materials of new archival documents)

2020 ◽  
pp. 75-84
Author(s):  
Alexander Naumov
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
World War ◽  
Systemic Mechanism ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The World ◽  
Archival Documents

This article reviews the role of Anglo-German Naval Agreement of 1935 in escalation of crisis trends of the Versailles system. Leaning on the British Russian archival documents, which recently became available for the researchers, the author analyzes the reasons and consequences of conclusion of this agreement between the key European democratic power and Nazi Reich. Emphasis is placed on analyzing the moods within the political elite of the United Kingdom. It is proven that the agreement became a significant milestone in escalation of crisis trends in the Versailles model of international relations. It played a substantial role in establishment of the British appeasement policy with regards to revanchist powers in the interbellum; policy that objectively led to disintegration of the created in 1919 systemic mechanism, and thus, the beginning of the World War II. The novelty of this work is substantiated by articulation of the problem. This article is first within the Russian and foreign historiography to analyze execution of the Anglo-German Naval Agreement based on the previously unavailable archival materials. The conclusion is made that this agreement played a crucial role in the process of disintegration of interbellum system of international relations. Having officially sanctioned the violation of the articles of the Versailles Treaty of 1919 by Germany, Great Britain psychologically reconciled to the potential revenge of Germany, which found reflection in the infamous appeasement policy. This launched the mechanism for disruption of status quo that was established after the World War I in Europe. This resulted in collapse of the architecture of international security in the key region of the world, rapid deterioration of relations between the countries, and a new world conflict.

The Reichsschulen and the Napolas’ Germanizing Mission in Eastern and Western Europe

2021 ◽  
pp. 288-311
Author(s):  
Helen Roche
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
World War ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
The Third ◽  
Ethnic Germans ◽  
Heinrich Himmler ◽  
Eastern And Western Europe

Heinrich Himmler, August Heißmeyer, and the NPEA Inspectorate were eager to create a transnational empire of Napolas and ‘Reichsschulen’ in all of the territories occupied by Nazi Germany during World War II. These schools both mirrored and contributed to broader National Socialist occupation and Germanization policies throughout Eastern and Western Europe. They were intended to create a cadre of ‘Germanic’ or ‘Germanizable’ leaders, loyal above all to the SS. The chapter begins by exploring the genesis of the Reichsschulen in the occupied Netherlands—Valkenburg and Heythuysen—which were adopted as a ‘Germanic’ prestige project by the Reich Commissioner of the Netherlands, Arthur Seyß-Inquart. The chapter then turns eastwards to consider the role of the Napolas which were established in the conquered Czech and Polish lands, focusing on NPEA Sudetenland in Ploschkowitz (Ploskowice), NPEA Wartheland in Reisen (Rydzyna), and NPEA Loben (Lubliniec). All in all, the Napola selection process in the occupied Eastern territories can be seen as the peak of all the ‘racial sieving’ processes which the Nazi state forced ‘ethnic Germans’ (Volksdeutsche), Czechs, and Poles to undergo, inextricably bound up with the Third Reich’s wider race, resettlement, and extermination policies. The ultimate aim of all of these schools was to mingle Reich German and ‘ethnic German’ or ‘Germanic’ pupils, educating the two groups alongside each other, in order to create a unified cohort of leaders for the future Nazi empire, and to reclaim valuable ‘Germanic blood’ for the Reich.

Who f(o)unded IR: American philanthropies and the discipline of International Relations in Europe

2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deniz Kuru
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Historical Narrative ◽  
World War ◽  
Academic Field ◽  
Disciplinary History ◽  
History Of ◽  
History Narratives ◽  
Major Factors

This article aims to present a history of International Relations (IR) that looks at the role of three big American foundations (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Rockefeller, and Ford foundations) in the development of IR as an academic field in continental Europe. Its framework goes beyond the usual disciplinary history narratives that focus on IR’s US or UK trajectories, pointing instead to American foundations’ interwar and early post–World War II influence on French and German IR. The cases emphasize US foundations’ interactions with European scholars and international scholarly organizations as major factors shaping IR’s developmental pathways. This study offers a way to consider foundations’ role in IR’s gradual academic institutionalization by connecting disciplinary historical approaches to disciplinary sociology. Its sociologically conscious position underlines the significance of American philanthropies in a historical narrative and recognizes the relevance of transnational dynamics by going beyond usual emphases on ideas and national contexts.

Coping and Control Processes: Do They Contribute to Individual Differences in Health in Older Adults?

1999 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tannis Y. Arbuckle ◽  
Dolores Pushkar ◽  
June Chaikelson ◽  
David Andres
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Older Persons ◽  
Future Research ◽  
World War ◽  
Health Maintenance ◽  
Control Processes ◽  
World War Ii Veterans ◽  
Perceived Locus Of Control ◽  
And Control

ABSTRACTThis paper reviews the literature on the relation of coping and control processes to health outcomes in late adulthood and presents new data on relations between coping and control processes and health for 295 World War II veterans. The results for the veterans showed that health was positively associated with cognitive coping, and negatively associated with behavioural coping and avoidance. No association was found between perceived locus of control and health. These findings, together with those in the literature, were discussed in terms of their implications for future research on the role of coping and control in health maintenance and their significance for people working with older persons.

scholarly journals Public Opinion on Artificial Intelligence Development

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
A.V. Merenkov ◽  
R. Campa ◽  
N.P. Dronishinets
Keyword(s):  
Artificial Intelligence ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
Master's Programs ◽  
Intelligence Development ◽  
And Control

In connection with the active role of Russia and other countries in the design and implementation of devices with artificial intelligence (AI), there is a need to study the opinion of different social groups on this technology and the problems that arise when using it. The purpose of this work is to analyze public opinion on AI, in Russia and various foreign countries, and the possible consequences of its implementation in different areas of human activity. The research has revealed students’ opinions about AI devices and the problems related to their development in Russia. The research methods adopted are a content analysis of foreign publications devoted to the study of public opinion on AI and a questionnaire survey. Overall, 190 students of the Ural Federal University enrolled in Bachelor’s and Master’s programs were interviewed. The analysis of publications devoted to the study of public opinion in the United States, Japan, and Western Europe, as well as the results of our survey, has led to the conclusion that the majority of people have only a vague idea of what AI devices are. Our study has revealed that 23.6% of the respondents know nothing about AI. 36% of the respondents believe that in the near future the most demanded specialists in the labor market will be those who create robots and control their work. The survey has also shown the important role of mass media and general and special education institutions in informing the population about the opportunities and problems that arise when devices that exceed human mental capabilities are created and enter the social fabric. Keywords: public opinion, artificial intelligence, subjects of public opinion, representations of social groups about artificial intelligence

scholarly journals “Our Architecture Has Long Acquired Global Significance”: International Contacts of the Union of Soviet Architects in the 1930s

2021 ◽  
pp. 127-139
Author(s):  
E. V. Konysheva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Cultural Diplomacy ◽  
Professional Community ◽  
State Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
Direct Object ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
And Control

The article is focused on the international contacts of the Soviet architecture in the 1930s. The direct object of the research is the cross-border communications of the Union of Soviet Architects: the tasks and forms of contacts of Soviet architects with foreign colleagues and institutions, as well as the role of the Union of Architects in this process; mechanisms of interaction with the authorities and tactics of the professional community in the context of regulation and control of international relations; conflicting nodes of state and professional interests. It is shown that in its international contacts, the Union of Architects did not appear as an independent actor, as it did not have institutional independence in international communications, autonomy in decision-making and its own resources for the implementation of projects. The institutional nature of the interaction prevailed; personal contacts were minimized and included into collective strategies. The international activity of the Union of Architects was part of the state policy of “cultural diplomacy” and had not only a professional, but also a propaganda-ideological component. The authorities ignored the professional motives of the architectural community if they did not coincide with governmental tasks. However, it is shown that the Union of Architects had its own tactics and realized its professional interests, using the interest of the state in a particular project. As a result, the thesis is presented that state regulation and total control sharply narrowed the possibilities of cross-border communications of the architectural community, distorted their forms and contents, but did not destroy them. The discovery and study of new documents shows that the myth of the cultural autarchy of the Stalinist USSR is not confirmed by the example of an architectural field.

Changing Borders: The Politics of the EU

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gönül Tol
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Social Services ◽  
European Population ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Multiple Impacts ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Eu

Migration has always been a feature of human affairs, though in recent decades it has become a major phenomenon. In fact, the growing diversity of the European population as well as the inevitable changing of borders within the European Union (EU) reveal that Europe has become an immigration continent. These developments have, however, prompted concerns over the EU’s external borders and control of immigration, as well as the need for further inquiry by international relations scholarship. Although the regulation of immigration has received a European dimension only recently, the EU has taken steps to cooperate on the issue of immigration. The changing nature of immigration had, after all, led to a perception among European electorates that immigration was not only a demographic or an economic issue but had other dimensions. It could have multiple impacts on their societies, including welfare, social services and social cohesion. Furthermore, until recently, theories of international migration have paid little attention to the nation-state as an agent influencing the flow of migration. When the nation-state has been mentioned, attention has focused primarily on immigrant-receiving countries. Little has been written about the regulation of emigration in countries of origin. As a result, the role of the state in limiting or promoting migration is poorly understood. Though there is a growing body of scholarship attempting to address these gaps in understanding the EU’s case for immigration, there are still further avenues of research many have yet to pursue.

CONTEXTS, CONCEPTS AND CONTENTIONS: GENDER LEGISLATION AS POLITICS IN THE MIDDLE EAST

Hawwa ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mounira Charrad
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Gender Issues ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Political Matter

AbstractDebates over gender relevant legislation such as family law have led to serious conflict in many periods of Middle Eastern history, especially in recent times. One way to understand the intensity of the current debates is to recognize that gender issues raise fundamental questions about the relationship between individual and society and the role of states. In this article I argue that, in considering gender relevant legislation in the Middle East, we need to develop a framework that is different from the paradigms anchored in the politics of western liberal democracies in the U.S. and Western Europe. The frame of reference I propose is built upon the following propositions. (1) We should treat gender legislation in the Middle East as an inherently political matter that goes to the heart of the organization of power. Such a perspective opens up the possibility of considering the role of multiple and complex political processes including pressures from below by social movements and top down reforms. (2) We need to reformulate the concepts of tradition and modernity that have pervaded the study of gender in the Islamic world. Tradition and modernity as two distinct, well-defined cultural forms should be dropped altogether. Instead, the discourses of tradition and modernity should be taken as political constructs and the following question should be asked: who benefits from each discourse in given political contexts? (3) The role of kin-based solidarities should be considered in the nexus of conflicts and alliances that shape the process of state formation. The individualistic model of politics in western liberal democracies has limited value for the understanding of political processes in the historical development of the Middle East. The focus should be instead on the role of identities based in communities that define themselves in collective and ascriptive terms of common kinship.

Explaining Japanese Antimilitarism: Normative and Realist Constraints on Japan's Security Policy

2010 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yasuhiro Izumikawa
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Research Strategy ◽  
World War ◽  
Security Treaty ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Analytical Eclecticism

Since the late 1990s, Japan has sent increasing numbers of its military forces overseas. It has also assumed a more active military role in the U.S.-Japan alliance. Neither conventional constructivist nor realist approaches in international relations theory can adequately explain these changes or, more generally, changes in Japan's security policy since the end of World War II. Instead, Japan's postwar security policy has been driven by the country's powerful antimilitarism, which reflects the following normative and realist factors: pacifism, antitraditionalism, and fear of entrapment. An understanding of the influence of these three factors makes it possible to explain both Japan's past reluctance to play a military role overseas and its increasing activism over the last decade. Four case studies—the revision of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty in 1960, the anti–Vietnam War period, increases in U.S.-Japan military cooperation during détente, and actions taken during the administration of Junichiro Koizumi to enhance Japan's security profile—illustrate the role of antimilitarism in Japan's security policy. Only through a theoretical approach based on analytical eclecticism—a research strategy that considers factors from different paradigms—can scholars explain specific puzzles in international politics.

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