Who’s in Control? Job Creation Co-Operatives in a Capitalist Economy

1987 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 277-286
Author(s):  
Mary Mellor ◽  
Janet Hannah ◽  
John Stirling

In Britain a new generation of worker co-operatives have emerged that differ from earlier phases of co-operative development in that they have been formed primarily to create jobs in response to the high level of unemployment. All the major political parties favour co-operative development and co-operative support organisations of various kinds have been set up at local and national level. This paper argues that such ‘job creation’ co-operatives and the organisations that support them have come under great pressure to prioritise job creation as against the formulation of effective and secure co-operative structures. This pressure arises because the policies surrounding co-operative development have not taken account of the severe economic pressures the co-operatives face and the consequent effect upon their ability to sustain the co-operative principles of ownership and control of the business by the people who work in it. In the light of the specific needs and problems of the new generation of worker co-operatives the paper argues that the concepts of co-operative ownership and control need to be reassessed, in particular in relation to membership. The distinction between a co-operative and a collective is also re-evaluated together with the need for co-operative structures to be replicated in other aspects of the local community.

2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 686-702
Author(s):  
Yudhishthira Sapru ◽  
R.K. Sapru

In the current phase of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation, and now broadly governance, regulatory administration has acquired growing importance as an instrument of achieving socio-economic objectives. It is through instrumentality of regulatory administration that the government is able to exercise effective political and economic sovereignty and control over the country’s governance process and resources. Governments of nearly all developing countries have initiated policies and procedures to promote and strengthen regulatory bodies and agencies. However, the results of these promotional and regular activities have varied considerably, often reflecting large inadequacies in policies, organisational structures and procedures. Increasing emphasis is now being placed at the national level on a more flexible regulatory administration to enforce compliance with nationally established policies and requirements in various political, economic and social spheres. As a watchdog for the public interest, governments both at central and state levels should engage in activities for the promotion of social and economic justice, so as to ensure the happiness and prosperity of the people.


Author(s):  
Fred Catlow

The paper describes the public participation from the viewpoint of a stakeholder and member of the public. The dialogue between various members of the Dounreay Stakeholders Committee vary widely and do not always seem to represent the views of the wider public. Whilst great care has been taken to select various options for the ultimate condition of the Dounreay site and these have been discussed at great length and the preferred option selected by consensus, there still appears to be some conflict within the local community. It is probable that if the local population had to vote on the options for the future of the Dounreay nuclear site the outcome would be vastly different from that of the Stakeholders Committee. Whilst the politicians have been elected by the people, they represent a distinctly anti-nuclear view (even to the extent of decommissioning) whereas many local people (especially the workers on the Dounreay site) would prefer to see a continuation of nuclear activity at Dounreay. The problem is not only with local politicians but at national level in Scotland itself where the Scottish National Party has formed a coalition with the Green Party on condition all nuclear activities are phased out.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 190-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Varsha Jain ◽  
Christopher Pich ◽  
B.E. Ganesh ◽  
Guja Armannsdottir

Purpose The extant literature demands more insights into the elements for political branding in India. Thus, this paper aims to explore political branding in terms of the influences of political branding. Design/methodology/approach The context is the young voters in an emerging country, India. Qualitative research was undertaken, and a total of 17 focus group discussions were conducted in the leading Indian cities. Findings This study found that the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) developed a strong governance and connection with the people. This approach developed a comprehensive brand among the young voters, who emphasized on the proof of the performance by the party. During pre or post-election, the BJP and other political parties need to develop a comprehensive political branding plan to connect with the voters. Research limitations/implications This study was focused on the external perspective of political branding. Future research can focus on the internal perspective in terms of party members and politicians. This study has focused on India as a specific case. Future studies can focus on a cross-cultural and cross-national level. Practical implications The framework developed can be used by political parties and leaders to develop their political brand. The study’s framework can be used in a systematic and sequential format to verify the strength of their political branding exercise. Originality/value This study focuses on the post-election scenario. Secondly, it focuses on the non-Western context. Also, the study represents a unique combination of the best theories and observations from political marketing and digital leadership.


Africa ◽  
1943 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 155-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. C. Murray

Opening ParagraphThe indigenous crafts of West Africa are so primitive in comparison with the mechanized industries of Europe that they may easily be omitted from schemes for future progress. Plans have been suggested for the extensive development of backward areas such as Nigeria as part of the post-war aim of the expansion of world trade. Large measures of social reconstruction, together with the starting of new industries and the improvement of old have been advocated in order that poverty may be lessened and the equipment of public services increased. Of many of these schemes there is no doubt that, if they were possible of achievement, industrial organizations would be set up that would have no relationship to African life as it is now. Experts in materials and industrial processes are not usually interested in sociological questions, nor are they accustomed to take them into account. They are concerned with efficiency, and have only to satisfy themselves that there is a sufficient supply of labour which is capable of manipulating machinery. Experts in the science of economics, for their part, have to decide whether there will be a market for the products of new or improved industries and therefore must necessarily examine some aspects of the life of the people in the area which they are studying. But the predominating factors of advertisement and price enable them to disregard deeper questions of cultural disintegration. Yet thorny questions would eventually arise upon which Africans would have decided opinions: such as the use of land for the exploitation of minerals, and the ownership and control of industries. The supply of labour might at first appear to Africans an innocuous, even a beneficial function, but later it might be discovered that the movement of workers into industrial towns was undermining the whole basis of their society


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-76
Author(s):  
Amir Faris ◽  
Ahmad Khoyyum ◽  
Ita Uzzulaifatit Thoriqoh ◽  
Latifatun Nisak

Bantengan is an Indonesian folk performing art. Bantengan is a performance art that combines elements of martial arts, dances, kanuragan, music, and magical spell. Bantengan has spread in Indonesia, especially in East Java hinterland. One of them is in the hamlet of Boro Panggungrejo Gondanglegi Malang. However, there are some changes and shifts due to changes of time. One of the changes occurred in the "trance" of the players. Current bantengan players seem to show Pretending "trance". In addition, they get trance without the handler, so it is difficult to set up and control. Based on this background, the research explores two points; (1) public attitudes of Boro Panggugrejo Gondanglegi Malang over Bantengan; (2) Bantengan impacts on the society of Boro Panggungrejo Gondanglegi Malang. This study is a qualitative field research. The type used in this research is descriptive-ethnographic. The results of this study indicate that the traditional art Bantengan in Boro Panggungrejo Gondanglegi Malang is a folk art that aims to accommodate brutal, those who become substation residents at day and night, to be directed at better activities. In addition, tradi-tional art Bantengan also be interpreted as a forum to facilitate interaction (silaturrahmi) among local residents and the wider community. Traditional art Bantengan also be a forum to discuss issues relating to the development of the hamlet or village. Bantengan traditional art has positive impacts to society in Boro Panggungrejo Gondang-legi Dusun Malang. Through Bantengan, a servant relationship with his Lord (habl min Allāh) will be close through prayer, istighatsah and khatm Qur'an which became one of requirements that must be met by the players of bantengan. So is the relationship between humans (habl min al-nās). Bantengan traditional art open alternative earning for the people, encourage gotong-royong and care for others. However, bantengan also has negative impacts, for example disrupting public roads, disrupting rest time when Bantengan does exercise in the evening. As for the players, they must avoid an unstable mental atmosphere because they will be easy get trance.


Robotica ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Micael S. Couceiro ◽  
J. Miguel A. Luz ◽  
Carlos M. Figueiredo ◽  
N. M. Fonseca Ferreira

SUMMARYThis paper covers a wide knowledge of physical and dynamical models useful for building flying robots and a new generation of flying platform developed in the similarity of flying animals. The goal of this work is to develop a simulation environment and dynamic control using the high-level calculation tool MatLab and the modeling, simulation, and analysis of dynamic systems tool Simulink. Once created the dynamic models to study, this work involves the study and understanding of the dynamic stability criteria to be adopted and their potential use in the control of flying models.


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-84
Author(s):  
Soudabeh Marin

This paper suggests the use of cultural expertise as encompassing concept that can account for the natural cultural competence developed in Iran. In earlier times, Zoroastrian law was first based on religious norms and the primary theological division between sins and offenses. Iranians had to adapt to different legal systems: customary law, religious law and secular law. Priests, jurists, judges, officials and translators were the main cultural “experts” and mediators between the people and the normative institutions. The introduction of imami legal theories and jurisprudence in the 16th century together with the reinforcement of the secular political power engaged Iran in a stabilized judicial context ruled by shiʿi scholars, qāzis and mujtahids. In 1919, as a consequence of the new French inspired Constitution, the Ministry of Justice, in order to train a new generation of judges, magistrates and justice personnel, set up a law school. Professors, who can be considered as cultural experts, contributed to the acculturation process initiated in the judicial system. Examples of his continuous struggle are recounted in Ostad Elahi's (1895-1974) memoirs, relating the difficulty Iranians had to accept the change, both cultural and psychological, initiated by the modernization and westernization program put into operation (1911-1935).


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-41
Author(s):  
Anis Septiana

Political parties are official organizations created by people who have interests and goals to control the government, by placing their members in the government through an election mechanism. The election process is inseparable from political parties, because political parties can channel the aspirations of the people, where the people can participate in it and have a strong influence on the election. The main function of political parties is to seek power, gain power and maintain it. In the 2017 Musi Banyuasin Local Election, the pairs of Dodi Reza and Beni Hernedi were carried out by 11 (eleven) political parties namely PDIP, Golkar, Democrat, Hanura, Nasdem, and PKB. As the party supporting the pair Dodi Reza and Beni Hernedi in the 2017 Musi Banyuasin Regional Election, political parties should fight in giving victory to the candidate pair that they carry by carrying out the functions of political parties as well as possible. Issues that will be discussed in this study include how the function of political parties in winning sub-regional elections and how the functions of political parties supporting the pair Dodi Reza and Beni Hernedi are assessed from the results of votes in the 2017 Musi Banyuasin Regional Election.This type of research is field research, while the type of research is qualitative, where the research procedure produces a description, which describes and describes matters relating to the problem of the function of political parties. The rationale that the researchers used in this study is the framework of thinking from Miriam Budiardjo to explain the function of political parties. The results of this study indicate that the function of political parties carried out by the party supporting the pair Dodi Reza and Beni Hernedi has not run optimally, this is evident from the high level of abstentions in the Musi Banyuasin elections in 2017.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 354-364
Author(s):  
Driola Susuri ◽  
Kadri Kryeziu

The Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo in its basic provisions has constituted the principle of separation and control of the balance between state powers as a fundamental principle of democracy, by designating representative bodies belonging to state powers such as Parliament, Government, and Judiciary. In addition, the Constitution sanctions other state bodies that have a constitutional character and together create the form of governance in the Republic of Kosovo. Among them also the President functions as a constitutional body exercising the executive duty and having ceremonial competencies. The President in Kosovo is a neutral authority because he/she is a representative of the people’s unity. The authorities in Kosovo create a "check and balance" among themselves for the normal functioning of the state. Kosovo is considered a parliamentary Republic, not sanctioned by the constitution but implied based on the decision of the Parliament of the Republic of Kosovo.In addition to electing the Government, the Parliament also elects the President of the Republic, so in this study, we will address the function of the President, the exercise of his duties, his competencies, and his relationship with other state bodies. We will also analyze the system of governance and the principle of separation and balance of powers, with special emphasis on the constitutional position of the President in the Republic of Kosovo. Among other things, we will address in particular the complexity of the procedures for the election of the President of the Republic of Kosovo. Considering the ongoing problems that have accompanied the presidential elections in the Republic of Kosovo and that continue to be so, it is necessary to clarify whether “the constitutional reform initiative for the President of the Republic of Kosovo to be voted by the people is considered the most current and best way of overcoming the present parliamentary stalemate in the election of the candidate for the President of the Republic, as well as whether the implementation of this reform is conditioned by the will of the political parties and the people”. In general, from the stated scientific elaboration of the topic, we can conclude that the intention of this paper consists in determining the constitutional regulation of the institution of the President of the Republic of Kosovo applied in the parliamentary system, empirical elaboration of problems that accompanied the election of presidents in the Republic of Kosovo as well as the immediate need to change the manner of electing the President of the Republic of Kosovo.


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