DALIT WOMEN PANCHAYAT MEMBERS IN HARYANA: GENDER, CASTE AND POLITICAL REPRESENTATION

2021 ◽  
pp. 026272802110033
Author(s):  
Radhika Kumar

Drawing on the latest round of elections to Panchayati Raj Institutions in the state of Haryana in 2016, this article interrogates the substantial increase in the number of Dalit women representatives, based on fieldwork in a specific village. Since both Dalit and non-Dalit women present narratives of non-participation in the functioning of the village panchayat, it is argued that the increase in Dalit women representatives was not by design, but by default, due to an amendment of the Haryana Panchayati Raj Act 2015. Overall, in the studied village, women continue to remain marginalised in the local representative bodies, and gender-based quotas have only ensured numerical visibility of women.

Author(s):  
Rob Jenkins ◽  
James Manor

This chapter examines the complex interplay between the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act 2005 (NREGA) and the multiple levels of political representation that comprise India's system of local government, known as panchayati raj, which includes elected councils at the village, block, and district levels. The analysis of the politics of NREGA implementation assesses the roles played by both politicians and administrators operating at each of these three levels. These interactions are assessed through an examination of three NREGA-related processes: (1) the increased power and resources of elected local councils, and the consolidation of power within these councils by their leaders; (2) the rationing of work opportunities, and the political logic behind the exclusion of certain groups; and (3) the struggles between village- and block-level actors over opportunities to engage in corruption.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 02010
Author(s):  
Ristina Yudhanti ◽  
Adi Sulistiyono ◽  
Isharyanto

The discourse of obligation that female has representatives in politics continuously occurred by the agreement of equal position between male and female. This discourse must be implemented by the state to achieve national purpose as decided by substance and the various instrument by the constitution. By fair and gender equality, so the state is obligated to give protection for implementing gender equality including particular actions involving access, participation, control in development process and equal as well as fair benefit between female and male to gender-based approach. The legal political policy of general election in the future is to fulfill Affirmative Action policy by 30% quota for woman in the general election system in Indonesia. It has to prioritize several factors which are the change of general election system, the political party, and the political culture approach in Indonesia. It is needed the Political will of a political party as an executor to implement Affirmative Action as well as to realize gender equality in a political position in Indonesia. It is expected that regulation formulating policy of general election and political party in the future is not only focused on normative policy but also balanced by sanction policy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 24-37
Author(s):  
Andriy KIZYMA ◽  
Zoryana LOBODINA

Introduction. Slowing economic growth, the spread of destructive demographic and environmental processes, increasing inequality in access to participation in economic, social and political life of the country necessitate the search for innovative budgeting technologies that would include elements of inclusion. The purpose of the article is justification of the theoretical foundations of inclusive budgeting, determination of preconditions and necessity of introduction of this technology into budgetary practice of Ukraine. Methods. In the course of research systematic approach to study widespread budgeting technologies, used in foreign and domestic practice, and the following methods of scientific cognition: induction and deduction, analysis and synthesis, comparison, generalization, associations, analogies and others, were used. Results. In order to ensure the socio-economic development of Ukraine on the basis of the concept of inclusive sustainable growth, the necessity of introducing technology of inclusive budgeting, which would take into account the benefits of practical use of program-targeted, participatory and gender-based budgeting, has been proved. The main features of inclusive budgeting include: existence of legislatively approved rules, norms and procedures that maximally involve citizens into filling budgets of different levels on the basis of the principle of progressive taxation and provide them with equal access possibilities to public services; maximize the involvement of society members in formulation of the budget programs on the basis of which budget expenditures are determined, as well as in monitoring their implementation, including the reporting procedure. Interpretation of the terms “budgetary inclusion” and “inclusive budgeting” is proposed. The main elements of inclusive budgeting include: budget programs; performance indicators for evaluating the implementation of budget programs; budget program executors; initiative, active, financially competent citizens; participatory budgeting. The main stages of integration of inclusive aspects in the budget process are defined: carrying out inclusive budget analysis (analysis of budget requests, budget programs and the state of their financing, budgets in order to identify problems of unequal access of citizens to budgetary resources and public services); formulation of the goals and recommendations to enhance inclusion; making changes to budget requests, budget programs, budgets; monitoring and evaluation of the results of changes made to budget requests, budget programs, budgets. Perspectives. The subject of further research is an in-depth study of the problems of budget inclusion.


2020 ◽  
pp. 145-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nomi Dave

This chapter examines the limits of musical activism by considering some of the varied ways in which music has addressed women’s rights and gender-based violence in Guinea. It centers around the case of a young Guinean rapper who was recently charged with sexual assault, and whose case generated intense criticism from feminist activists and intense support from his fans. The chapter considers two songs closely connected to the case: one that calls for an end to violence against women, and one that calls on women to forgive him. These two songs seem to reflect radically divergent views on gender-based violence. But they are both linked to an underlying ambivalence about women’s rights on the behalf of musicians, audiences, and the state. Survivors of sexual violence are absent in both cases, erased by a politics of forgiveness that calls on them to forget and to be forgotten.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Sreevidya Kalaramadam

Over the last two decades, women’s ‘political participation’ has emerged as a major marker of democracy around the world. This is frequently operationalized through the policy of ‘gender quotas’ that seek to enhance women’s presence within national and subnational institutions of governance. Since 1993, India has implemented a large programme of decentralization (panchayati raj) and gender quotas, which enabled more than a million elected women representatives (EWRs) to become part of the political process. This article engages feminist theorizations of gender quotas using the Indian context. While affirming the need for gender quotas for increasing presence of women in politics, it argues that the presence of EWRs in local governance does not easily assure their effective political participation or political representation. This is because of the ‘social embeddedness of policy’ in local contexts. Effective participation and representation depend upon the ‘relative agency’ of EWRs who continually negotiate and construct their political subjectivities within everyday life situations, specifically three processes—patriarchal family relations, caste relations at the workplace and discursively produced marked identities.


Indian society is quite a complex one, because of its construction of hierarchal social order grounded on the premise of sophistication, stratum and sex. Historically, women are placed at the margins that prevented them from having opportunities and denied them the flexibility to enter the general public sphere. This paper entitled “Tussle for Existence: An Inquisitive Exploration on the Role of Women in Sangati (Events)” which is a close to the accurate attempt to discern the penetrating expertise of lower-class women who passed through many unconditional subjugations from varied norms of the society, as well as Dalit women’s power of resilience to subdue these existing curtailments in the patriarchal social structure. Through the work, Sangati, Bama explores the lives of women, wherever caste and gender-based rights and rituals executed women’s life as sacrificial fire. In her work Sangati, Bama, one among the predominant Dalit women writers, constitutes the themes of Dalit feminism and the celebrations of self-assurance within the community of subaltern women.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-71
Author(s):  
Ishita Mehrotra

Political participation and representation are pillars of a successful democracy. This article explores Indian democracy from the perspective of village-based Dalit women; it is about how Dalit women understand and engage with the ‘political’ and how they see their representatives. The argument built in the article is that Dalit women see politics and representation from the vantage point of their everyday experiences and from their distinct positions in terms of caste, class and gender.


2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-51
Author(s):  
Shoma Sen

As a reaction against mainstream Indian feminism that tended to ignore the problems of caste, Dalit women and those who advocate their cause have been making a valid case for Dalit feminism. This standpoint acknowledges both the patriarchal oppression from outside the caste as well as within it. Both Baby Kamble and Urmila Pawar have been activists as well as writers, whose autobiographies and creative works are vivid elaborations of the same. Showing how Dalit autobiographies have broken the conventional notions of autobiography coming out of the post-industrial revolution West by locating the individual firmly within the community, Sharmila Rege has pointed out that the Dalit women’s “testimonios” are also their protest against a “communitarian control on the self” (Rege, 2008). Baby Kamble’s autobiography brings out the blatant caste exploitation and violence against women in pre-Ambedkar rural Maharashtra, while Pawar’s begins with the village but focuses more on subtler urban forms of oppression. The latter text reflects on the story of postcolonial India’s development as, even in an urban milieu, caste and gender only change forms of oppression. Both authors’ lives make interesting studies for Dalit gynocritics. Kamble seems to completely submerge the self in the community, living as she does in a feudal patriarchal milieu in the countryside. Writing from a generation later that has felt the impact of urban modernity and feminism, Pawar brings out the self in a bolder way, inviting criticism from established Dalit writers like Sharan Kumar Limbale and others. In a broader sense, both autobiographies are significant as women’s writing and as contemporary Indian literature.


Ethnologies ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 34 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 227-249
Author(s):  
Mariya Lesiv

A young girl from the western Ukrainian village of Horodnytsia was seriously ill. In 2007, a family in Germany sent her a statuette of the Mother of God that was said to have miraculous power. The gift was intended to help the girl to recover from her illness. The statuette took on a new purpose, developing into a new tradition. It was incorporated into a homemade altar that traveled from house to house, accompanied by many local women performing religious songs and prayers. This paper draws attention to the Horodnytsia ritual’s collective significance. From an emic perspective, as shared by the ritual’s practitioners, the new tradition communicated women’s response to the ongoing post-Soviet socio-economic crisis. From my own, etic, perspective, informed by performance and gender studies, the altar’s role appeared to expand beyond this, revealing women’s creative, though unselfconscious, attempt to subvert the patriarchal order of vernacular Christianity. The ritual empowered the village women, especially because it was shaped by the familiar model of religious authority. The women consecrated their domestic space following a well-known pattern of church spatial organization. They established their own authority through the development of a kind of close contact with the sacred that they could not achieve in the context of the traditional church.


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