scholarly journals The Philosophy of Bitcoin and the Question of Money

2021 ◽  
pp. 026327642110498
Author(s):  
Simon Butler

Money has been a polarising and unresolved socio-economic issue for more than 300 years. In this article, we explore how the state became increasingly involved in money and, through the words of prominent monetary theorists, identify the problem of the state in money. We analyse Bitcoin to see if it is a solution to this problem but move on to contend that the political dimension needs to be the focus of theory in the 21st century and that control of the supply of money, and the power that it gives, is the root of contention.

2006 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
Annette Aronowicz

AbstractThis essay examines the contrast between two conceptions of the universal, one represented by the modern State and the other by the Jewish people. In order to do so, it returns to the collection of essays on Judaism Levinas wrote in the approximately two decades after the Second World War, Difficult Freedom. Its aim is to focus specifically on the political dimension within this collection and then to step back and reflect on how his way of speaking of the political appears to us a full generation later. As is well known, Levinas's approach to the political has a way of escaping that realm, while nonetheless remaining relevant to it. This is what we shall try to capture and to evaluate.


ICL Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Yahyaoui Krivenko

AbstractThe article argues that no understanding of global constitutionalism will be complete without a thorough discussion of its political dimension. The current state of scholarship on global constitutionalism is dominated by discussions of legal elements. However, any theory of global constitutionalism has an underlying vision of the political. Without discussing this underlying vision of the political global constitutionalism will remain incomplete. In particular the article demonstrates that the contemporary debates on global constitutionalism are plagued by a contradiction between its aims and its underlying vision of the political. Thus, global constitutionalism postulates individuals as central units of its concern. However, by maintaining states as central actors although in a changed form and with fewer powers global constitutionalism unwittingly subscribes to a vision of the political anchored in the state form and based on the exclusion/inclusion dynamic. This vision of the political is most clearly articulated by Carl Schmitt. The discussion of his view of the political demonstrates that the political based on the state form makes the project of global constitutionalism impossible. The only way forward is an open discussion of different visions of the political and a search for a more adequate vision of the political able to further the aims of global constitutionalism and its focus on individuals. The article discusses one of these alternative visions of the political, namely the concept of the coming politics and coming community as articulated by Giorgio Agamben. It demonstrates how with this vision of the political the project of global constitutionalism can conceive of a political community fully dedicated to the singularities of each individual human being without creating divisions. The article concludes that in order for global constitutionalism to continue as a viable project, an open and explicit discussion of the political is called for.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (20) ◽  
pp. 541-561
Author(s):  
Ludmila Losada da Fonseca ◽  
Ivaine Maria Tonini

Este artigo versa sobre os atravessamentos políticos no livro didático e a manifestação deles por meio dos conteúdos da Geografia Política. Mais do que uma estratégia estatal, a política educacional – como o Programa Nacional do Livro Didático- é uma regulamentação na esteira de uma racionalidade adotada pelos governos. Os livros didáticos são o lócus para analisar os atravessamentos entre Política e ciência geográfica. Para tanto, esse artigo foi elaborado por meio da análise de duas coleções didáticas: Geografia Geral e do Brasil e Fronteiras da Globalização. A metodologia escolhida foi aquela que coloca em suspenso a informação para estabelecer interrogações sobre o que já está sendo dito. Com este método de análise, depreendemos duas formas distintas de manifestação da relação entre a Política e a Geografia no campo da Geografia Escolar: a Geografia Maior - pensada para e pelo Estado; e as Geografias Menores - manifestam-se pela abordagem de uma outra Geografia Política, pautada em diferentes escalas, permitindo contatos e análises para além do Estado. Conclui-se deste estudo que não há como conceber a ciência geográfica e a Geografia Escolar desconectadas da dimensão política, e que o livro didático é um lugar de disputa de racionalidades e de geografias. Encontramos nas análises elementos de cada uma dessas geografias. E percebemos a potencialidades das Geografias Menores em fomentar no aluno sua atuação na transformação do espaço geográfico. PALAVRAS-CHAVE Livro didático, Geografia política escolar, Geografias maior e menor.   A POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY DISPUTE IN THE TEXTBOOK: major Geographiesandminor Geographies ABSTRACT This article discuss the political crossings in the textbook (LD) and their manifestation through the contents of Political Geography. More than a state strategy, educational policy - like the National Textbook Program - is a regulation in the wake of a rationality path embraced by the governments. The textbooks are the locus for analyzing the crossings between politics and geographic science. Therefore, this article was prepared by analyzing two collections of LD, General and Brazilian Geography and Frontiers of Globalization. The methodology chosen was which puts the information on hold to establish questions about what is already being said. From this analysis, we deduce two different ways of manifesting the relationship between Politics and Geography in the field of Geography in school: the Major Geography – which is thought for and by the State; and the Minor Geographies, manifested by the approach of another Political Geography, based on different scales that enable contacts and analysis apart from the State. It is concluded from this study that there is no possibility to conceive geographic science and school geography disconnected from the political dimension, and that LD is a place of dispute of rationalities and geographies. We found in the analyzed LD elements from each of these geographies. And we considering as possibility in Minor Geographies a way to encourage the student action in geographical space transformation. KEYWORDS Textbook, Political Geography in school, Major and minor Geographies.


Author(s):  
Robert Wokler ◽  
Christopher Brooke

This chapter analyzes Rousseau's conception of the political dimension of liberty in the light of a particular debate which has formed the most important contribution to the study of Rousseau's political thought in the twentieth century. This debate has to do with the place of natural law in Rousseau's philosophy, and with the extent to which, in his idea of the foundations of the state, he upheld or rejected principles of jurisprudence espoused by earlier thinkers. It considers such principles in three rather different forms, which are termed superior, anterior, and generative natural law. It also comments on Rousseau's idea of representation in the light of arguments drawn from a number of jurisprudential thinkers before him. In the course of the discussion, the chapter aims to offer a new interpretation of Rousseau's assessment of Pufendorf, whom Rousseau came to confront in his writings as much as, if not more than, any other political thinker.


1970 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Farid Hafez

Esad Bey’s theocratic state. A Muḥammad biography from the perspective of a Jewish convert to Islam with special consideration for the political dimension.This paper analyses the political dimension of the Muḥammad biography written by Esad Bey (1905–1942), a.k.a. Leo Noussimbaum, a Jewish convert to Islam, who lived and worked as a writer in Berlin/Germany. Esad Bey, a Baku-born (Azerbaijan) Jew, who became a Muslim in an early stage of his life, had written 16 books at the age of 30, one of which became a world-bestseller. Esad Bey was a mostly unkown public figure until Tom REISS finished the first well researched biography in 2008; yet he still continues to relatively unkown to Muslim audience. The biography of Muḥammad was the second biography of Esad Bey, following his initial biography on Stalin.The biography, that was published in 1932 in German language, is highly influenced by it’s time, the concurring ideologies of fascism and communism as well as the pan-Islamist thinking of Esad Bey. In a time of social assimilation of Jews, Esad Bey chose to emphasize his Muslim identity inwardly as well as outwardly through wearing the traditional Ottoman Fez. The biography Mohammed is the product of a sīrah influenced by the traditional writing of Muslims and that of Orientalists. On one side, Esad Bey tries to make his Western readership of the 1930s more sympathetic to Islam, while on the other side it reads very much as a cry to Muslim political renewal. Focus of his narration is the state that is characterized in many different ways (theocratic, despotic, socialist, democratic, etc.). This papers aims at analyzing his under-standing of the theocratic democratic Islamic state as told in his biographical writing.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 69-77
Author(s):  
Lelde Bara ◽  
Aija Ziemelniece

In the post-war years (50s-80s of the 20th century), the legislation of the Soviet Union defined that the list of monuments to be protected by the state is deemed a political document with ideological significance. Due to this reason, the list of architectural monuments was subject to politically motivated manipulations not only during Stalin's time, but also later. The political situation after the occupation in 1940 required to adapt to the sovietization demands, didactically dividing cultural monuments into “progressive” and “bourgeois” or those unfit for socialist construction. The history of the cultural heritage protection measures has been related to politics. With the growing importance of cultural heritage in the formation of historical memory, the protection and promotion of monuments becomes an essential part of the ideology of nation states. A change in the state power means a change in the dominant political ideology, which affects the work of state institutions in the protection of cultural heritage. The research topic has an interdisciplinary nature with the intertwining of political, economic and social aspects. The cultural heritage includes the political dimension and its role in shaping national identity models. The rise of the Duchy of Courland in the first half of the 18th century made a serious contribution to the landscape of the Lielupe left bank basin in the Zemgale region. The landscape of the both historical ensembles of Svete and Vircava manors was disturbed (fragmented) by the economic and political position of the state. The basis for that was bringing new infrastructure in the nature. As a result of political, economic and social pressures, the landscapes of cultural and historical manors have, over the centuries, fragmented and transformed the use of the original structure and functional landscape. The aim of the research is to identify and emphasize the causes and consequences of the fragmentation of the cultural and historical landscape of manors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


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