scholarly journals A DISPUTA DE UMA GEOGRAFIA POLÍTICA NO LIVRO DIDÁTICO:

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (20) ◽  
pp. 541-561
Author(s):  
Ludmila Losada da Fonseca ◽  
Ivaine Maria Tonini

Este artigo versa sobre os atravessamentos políticos no livro didático e a manifestação deles por meio dos conteúdos da Geografia Política. Mais do que uma estratégia estatal, a política educacional – como o Programa Nacional do Livro Didático- é uma regulamentação na esteira de uma racionalidade adotada pelos governos. Os livros didáticos são o lócus para analisar os atravessamentos entre Política e ciência geográfica. Para tanto, esse artigo foi elaborado por meio da análise de duas coleções didáticas: Geografia Geral e do Brasil e Fronteiras da Globalização. A metodologia escolhida foi aquela que coloca em suspenso a informação para estabelecer interrogações sobre o que já está sendo dito. Com este método de análise, depreendemos duas formas distintas de manifestação da relação entre a Política e a Geografia no campo da Geografia Escolar: a Geografia Maior - pensada para e pelo Estado; e as Geografias Menores - manifestam-se pela abordagem de uma outra Geografia Política, pautada em diferentes escalas, permitindo contatos e análises para além do Estado. Conclui-se deste estudo que não há como conceber a ciência geográfica e a Geografia Escolar desconectadas da dimensão política, e que o livro didático é um lugar de disputa de racionalidades e de geografias. Encontramos nas análises elementos de cada uma dessas geografias. E percebemos a potencialidades das Geografias Menores em fomentar no aluno sua atuação na transformação do espaço geográfico. PALAVRAS-CHAVE Livro didático, Geografia política escolar, Geografias maior e menor.   A POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY DISPUTE IN THE TEXTBOOK: major Geographiesandminor Geographies ABSTRACT This article discuss the political crossings in the textbook (LD) and their manifestation through the contents of Political Geography. More than a state strategy, educational policy - like the National Textbook Program - is a regulation in the wake of a rationality path embraced by the governments. The textbooks are the locus for analyzing the crossings between politics and geographic science. Therefore, this article was prepared by analyzing two collections of LD, General and Brazilian Geography and Frontiers of Globalization. The methodology chosen was which puts the information on hold to establish questions about what is already being said. From this analysis, we deduce two different ways of manifesting the relationship between Politics and Geography in the field of Geography in school: the Major Geography – which is thought for and by the State; and the Minor Geographies, manifested by the approach of another Political Geography, based on different scales that enable contacts and analysis apart from the State. It is concluded from this study that there is no possibility to conceive geographic science and school geography disconnected from the political dimension, and that LD is a place of dispute of rationalities and geographies. We found in the analyzed LD elements from each of these geographies. And we considering as possibility in Minor Geographies a way to encourage the student action in geographical space transformation. KEYWORDS Textbook, Political Geography in school, Major and minor Geographies.

Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 2 reinterprets Schmitt’s concept of the political. Schmitt argued that Weimar developments, especially the rise of mass movements politically opposed to the state and constitution, demonstrated that the state did not have any sort of monopoly over the political, contradicting the arguments made by predominant Weimar state theorists, such as Jellinek and Meinecke. Not only was the political independent of the state, Schmitt argued, but it could even be turned against it. Schmitt believed that his contemporaries’ failure to recognize the nature of the political prevented them from adequately responding to the politicization of society, inadvertently risking civil war. This chapter reanalyzes Schmitt’s political from this perspective. Without ignoring enmity, it argues that Schmitt also defines the political in terms of friendship and, importantly, “status par excellence” (the status that relativizes other statuses). It also examines the relationship between the political and Schmitt’s concept of representation.


Author(s):  
Richard Whiting

In assessing the relationship between trade unions and British politics, this chapter has two focuses. First, it examines the role of trade unions as significant intermediate associations within the political system. They have been significant as the means for the development of citizenship and involvement in society, as well as a restraint upon the power of the state. Their power has also raised questions about the relationship between the role of associations and the freedom of the individual. Second, the chapter considers critical moments when the trade unions challenged the authority of governments, especially in the periods 1918–26 and 1979–85. Both of these lines of inquiry underline the importance of conservatism in the achievement of stability in modern Britain.


Author(s):  
Ruth Patrick

This chapter outlines the rationale behind conducting repeat interviews with out-of-work benefit claimants in an effort to better understand lived experiences of welfare reform. It introduces readers to the political and theoretical context, and highlights the value in employing social citizenship as a theoretical lens in order to tease out citizenship from above and below. The recent context of welfare reform in the UK is also introduced, highlighting the extent to which successive rounds of welfare reform have cumulatively reworked the relationship between the citizen and the state. The research on which this book is based is detailed, and the value in working through and across time by taking a qualitative longitudinal approach highlighted.


2018 ◽  
pp. 235-253
Author(s):  
Renato Coimbra Frias

RESUMOO presente trabalho discute a relação existente entre sons, política e espaços públicos. Tal discussão é conduzida pela análise dos dados obtidos em um trabalho de campo realizado no Largo da Carioca, Rio de Janeiro, que consistiu no mapeamento das diferentes atividades que ocupam esse espaço público e no registro em áudio dos sons ao longo de uma caminhada pelo Largo da Carioca. A análise evidencia como o som produzido por camelôs, artistas de rua e outras atividades observadas em campo exerce um importante papel no jogo de posições entre elas, configurando-se como importante fator na geografia política dos espaços públicos.Palavras-chave: Espaços Públicos, Caminhadas Sonoras, Paisagens Sonoras. ABSTRACTThis paper discusses the relationship between sounds, politics and public spaces. This discussion is conducted by the analysis of data obtained in a fieldwork in Largo da Carioca, Rio de Janeiro, which consisted in mapping the different activities that occupy this public space and in the audio recording of the sounds present on a walk along the Largo da Carioca. Our analysis shows how the sound produced by street vendors, street performers and other activities observed in field plays an important role in the positions established between them, becoming an important factor in the political geography of public spaces.Keywords: Public Spaces, Soundwalks, Paisagens Sonoras.


Author(s):  
Tang Bingyu

On the basis of Conceptual Metaphor Theory proposed by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson, this paper conducts a cognitive analysis of conceptual metaphors in Donald J. Trump’s State of the Union Address in 2020, aiming to explain the metaphors in the State of the Union Address, reveal the political intentions hidden behind the metaphors, and construe the relationship between politics and metaphor. It is found that the metaphors in this State of the Union Address are: CONFLICT metaphors, BUILDING metaphor, JOURNEY metaphors, ORIENTATIONAL metaphors, and PLANT metaphors. Through the analysis, this paper concludes that conceptual metaphor has the function of persuading the masses and shaping the image of politicians. At the same time, this paper also finds that politics restricts the choice and application of metaphor.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-219
Author(s):  
Martin Grassi

Although Political Theology examined mainly the political dimension of the relationship between God-Father and God-Son, it is paramount to consider the political performance of the Holy Spirit in the Economy of Redemption. The Holy Spirit has been characterized as the binding cause and the principle of relationality both referring to God’s inner life and to God’s relationship with His creatures. As the personalization of relationality, the Holy Spirit performs a unique task: to bring together what is apart by means of organisation. This power of the Spirit to turn a plurality into a unity is manifested in the Latin translation of oikonomía as disposition, that is, giving a special order to the multiple elements within a certain totality. Within this activity of the Spirit, Theodicy can be regarded as the way to depict God’s arrangement of the world and of history, bringing everything together towards the eschatological Kingdom of God. The paper aims at showing this fundamental activity of the Holy Spirit in Christian Theology, and intends to pose the question on how to think on a theology beyond theodicy, that is, how to think on a Trinitarian God beyond the categories of sovereignty and totalization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-234
Author(s):  
Anna Markopoulou

The aim of this commentary is to highlight the relationship between Nietzsche and Transhumanism on the occasion of the publication of the Posthuman Studies Reader in 2021, which is edited by Evi D. Sampanikou and Jan Stasienko. More specifically, this commentary focuses on the fact that the Reader promotes Nietzsche as the official forerunner of Transhumanism, since it places humans at a transition point between animal and Overhuman.The analysis of the ten transhumanist texts in the Reader shows that, in essence, Transhumanism is not a transition but an overcoming of the human and, from this point of view, it is not in line with Nietzsche's conception. Moreover, this commentary focuses on the relationship between Transhumanism and politics and shows that the political dimension is entirely absent from most of the Transhumanist texts in the Reader. Thus, transhumanism should re-evaluate its epistemological foundations and its relation to politics. 


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.


Author(s):  
John Harriss ◽  
Andrew Wyatt

The political economy of Tamil Nadu presents a puzzle: in spite of politics that are generally considered to be unhelpful to development, the state does relatively well in terms both of economic growth and of human development. The chapter argues that Tamil Nadu is neither a developmental nor a social democratic state, while having some of the features of both. It is, rather, characterized by Bonapartism. While the state has generally been supportive of big business, the relationship between the corporate sector and the political elite is distinctly “arm’s-length.” The power and influence of business groups has not “grown enormously,” as has been claimed elsewhere. Tamil politicians do not rely for financial resources on big business but have their own sources of finance, some of them in semilegal or illegal activities such as sand mining and granite quarrying.


1967 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
George W. Hoffman

The breakup of the Habsburg monarchy was perhaps the most exceptional change made in the political geography of the European world of our times. It would be too much to say that the shot fired at Sarajevo destroyed the Austro-Hungarian empire. But it is hardly an exaggeration to suggest that the young assassin was a living embodiment of the principle of nationalism in the South Slavic lands and that the shot which he fired was a deliberate blow at the political-geographic structure of the Habsburg monarchy. Those competent to discuss the question are almost unanimous in their verdict: the dissolution of the empire was brought on by a combination of external forces and an internal disintegration. The internal disintegration actually impelled the state to expose itself to the external forces. The works of scholars from many countries and disciplines2who have carefullyanalyzed the structure and function of the Habsburg empire have been scrutinized with the view of studying the regions which formed this empire, their different characteristics and associations, and their connections with each other and to the state in order to ascertain to what extent the area of the empire constituted a state in the modern sense and to note any weaknesses in its morphology and physiology that helped to account for its collapse. The contribution of political geography to this critical evaluation of nationalism as a disintegrating force of the Habsburg empire lies in an analysis of the major problems of the internal situation of that empire.


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