Resource geography II: What makes resources political?

2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 553-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt Huber

What makes resources political? We often imagine that politics is something done to resources (i.e. larger contestations over access to and control over resources). In this second “progress report”, I question whether resource politics is simply about fighting over stuff. How does the materiality of resources themselves shape broader conceptions of “the political” in general? I highlight the role of resources in shaping three central meanings of the political or politics. First, the commonsense ideology of politics as electoral contests over political power. Second, the state – as the sphere of “the political” – is constructed as a geographical entity based on a specific form of territoriality. Third, the nation-state reflects a complex political duality: both an institutional state apparatus and a cultural imaginary of shared nationhood. I conclude with some thoughts on the need to expand the terrain of the political in resource geography.

Author(s):  
Aleksei Vladimirovich Iarkeev

The subject of this research is the state as a biopolitical project founded on the principle of government intervention in life of the population. Leaning on the ideas and theoretical intentions of the “archeology of power”, economic and political anthropology, the author examines the genesis of the state from biopolitical perspective, proceeding from the hypothesis of the initial animalization of human presence pursuant to state power, which at breaking point, turns into biopolitical death machine, or thanatopolitics. In view of this, the author reveals the role of ancient state formations as the agents of forced “domestication” of the members of agricultural and cattle-raising societies based on the concentration of human resources and coercive labor as state-forming “technologies”, which allow producing surpluses appropriated by the power elites. The idea of pastoralist power, which emerged along with the first states, identifies subjects to a herd under wardship, treating them as a form of wealth similar to livestock. The main conclusion lies in explication of the biopolitical matrix of state administration, which identifies the subjects of the state with livestock, and the state territory with enclosed pasture. This leads to the parallels between cattle-raising and control over population, which paradigmatically determines the political modus operandi of state power that is implicit in the trajectory of its evolution up to the present day. At the threshold of “evolution” of such administrative paradigm emerge the modern radical topoi of the antihuman – the concentration camps (labor camps and death camps) organized by the model of cattle pens and slaughterhouses.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (7) ◽  
pp. 41-53
Author(s):  
Oleksandr SHAROV ◽  

State, market and globalization are three concepts, the interrelation and influence of which can be traced throughout almost the entire period of their existence. It is possible that, according to some anthropologists, in primitive societies the economy was not based on market relations, but the formation of market institutions is impossible without protection from the government (state or at least quasi-state) and even more so without direct creative intervention of the state. At the same time, however, it should be borne in mind that in the context of globalization there are ongoing changes both in the essence of the state and in the tasks that it must solve. Sometimes there are allegations of erosion or extinction of the nation-state, which are not yet true. Of course, the political and economic development of society makes its adjustments, but functions such as protection from economic aggression, legislative provision of fair competition, participation in large projects that can not be carried out by private business, remain essentially unchanged, although changing in form, primarily under the influence of internationalization processes. Thus, it can be emphasized that the role of the state in the economy is not decreasing, but rather increasing due to the modernization and internationalization of its functions. What matters is not quantity but quality. But the role of the state should not be overestimated, the government and state managers should not be relied on in everything. It is necessary to clearly determine which state the country is building, and in view of this to implement appropriate economic policy with appropriate methods and tools.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 279-289
Author(s):  
Валентин Любашиц ◽  
Valentin Lyubashits ◽  
Алексей Мамычев ◽  
Aleksey Mamychev

The article analyzes the concept of the state apparatus, the role of parliaments in the political life of society and the state. The basis of the construction and functioning of the state machinery of any country on objective and subjective factors. The alienation of people from property and political power that has occurred in our country, is the initial state, generating the need for democracy as the need to overcome the old and new forms of alienation of power from society as a resolution of the conflict between the diversity of social and political interests of the subjects of political power and the possibilities of their embodiments of the structures and institutions of power.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-183
Author(s):  
Mary L. Mullen

This article considers the politics and aesthetics of the colonial Bildungsroman by reading George Moore's often-overlooked novel A Drama in Muslin (1886). It argues that the colonial Bildungsroman does not simply register difference from the metropolitan novel of development or express tension between the core and periphery, as Jed Esty suggests, but rather can imagine a heterogeneous historical time that does not find its end in the nation-state. A Drama in Muslin combines naturalist and realist modes, and moves between Ireland and England to construct a form of untimely development that emphasises political processes (dissent, negotiation) rather than political forms (the state, the nation). Ultimately, the messy, discordant history represented in the novel shows the political potential of anachronism as it celebrates the untimeliness of everyday life.


Author(s):  
Hazel Gray

This chapter explores the role of the political settlement in shaping outcomes of land investments by analysing struggles in key sectors of the economy. Land reform during the socialist period had far-reaching implications for the political settlement. Reforms to land rights under liberalization involved strengthening land markets; however, the state continued to play a significant role. Corruption within formal land management systems became prevalent during the period of high growth. Vietnam experienced a rapid growth in export agriculture but, in contrast with stable property rights for smallholders, Tanzania’s efforts to encourage large land investments were less successful. Industrialization in both countries generated new forms of land struggles that were influenced by the different distributions of power between the state, existing landowners, and investors.


Author(s):  
Michael P. DeJonge

This chapter continues the examination of Bonhoeffer’s first phase of resistance through an exposition of “The Church and the Jewish Question,” turning now to the modes of resistance proper to the church’s preaching office. Because such resistance involves the church speaking against the state, it appears to stand in contradiction with Bonhoeffer’s suggestion earlier in the essay that the church should not speak out against the state. This is in fact not a contradiction but rather the coherent expression of the political vision as outlined in the first several chapters of this book, which requires that the church criticize the state under certain circumstances but not others. The specific form of word examined here is the indirectly political word (type 3 resistance) by which the church reminds the messianic state of its mandate to preserve the world with neither “too little” nor “too much” order.


2014 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 681-713 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Bowie

AbstractDespite a growing literature revealing the presence of millenarian movements in both Theravada and Mahayana Buddhist societies, scholars have been remarkably reluctant to consider the role of messianic beliefs in Buddhist societies. Khruubaa Srivichai (1878–1938) is the most famous monk of northern Thailand and is widely revered as atonbun, or saint. Althoughtonbunhas been depoliticized in the modern context, the term also refers to a savior who is an incarnation of the coming Maitreya Buddha. In 1920 Srivichai was sent under arrest to the capital city of Bangkok to face eight charges. This essay focuses on the charge that he claimed to possess the god Indra's sword. Although this charge has been widely ignored, it was in fact a charge of treason. In this essay, I argue that the treason charge should be understood within the context of Buddhist millenarianism. I note the saint/savior tropes in Srivichai's mytho-biography, describe the prevalence of millenarianism in the region, and detail the political economy of the decade of the 1910s prior to Srivichai's detention. I present evidence to show that the decade was characterized by famine, dislocation, disease, and other disasters of both natural and social causes. Such hardships would have been consistent with apocalyptic omens in the Buddhist repertoire portending the advent of Maitreya. Understanding Srivichai in this millenarian context helps to explain both the hopes of the populace and the fears of the state during that tumultuous decade.


1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-200
Author(s):  
J. H. Shennan

The most recent biographer of Montesquieu has written:…the similarity between the ideas of the former president a tnortier and those of the parlements is sometimes striking.…The king, they admit, is the legislator and the fount of justice. The parlements, however, are the repositories of his supreme juris-diction. To remove it from them is to offend the laws of the state and to overthrow the ancient legal structure of the kingdom.…This tradition of the parlements inspired and was inspired by the political doctrine of Montesquieu; and when the President writes of the monarchy of his own day…as being the best form of government that men have been able to imagine, it is monarchy supported by this tradition which he has in mind.


Author(s):  
Richard Whiting

In assessing the relationship between trade unions and British politics, this chapter has two focuses. First, it examines the role of trade unions as significant intermediate associations within the political system. They have been significant as the means for the development of citizenship and involvement in society, as well as a restraint upon the power of the state. Their power has also raised questions about the relationship between the role of associations and the freedom of the individual. Second, the chapter considers critical moments when the trade unions challenged the authority of governments, especially in the periods 1918–26 and 1979–85. Both of these lines of inquiry underline the importance of conservatism in the achievement of stability in modern Britain.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Hood Laeeq ◽  
Arfan Shahzad ◽  
Subramaniam Sri Ramalu ◽  
Muhammad Fareed

In the last three decades, the security issues have been raised in the state of the Punjab (Pakistan) which ultimately leads to the breakdown of the country’s economy. However, the purpose of this paper is to determine the effect of the political interference on the performance of Punjab police (Pakistan) with the moderating role of organizational support. To elicit the findings, a total of 159 survey questionnaires were compiled from station house officers (SHOs) of Punjab police (Pakistan). Furthermore, this study has applied PLS-SEM technique to analyze the data. The findings reveal that a negatively significant effect of political interference on the performance of Punjab police (Pakistan). Moreover, the findings also showed the significant moderating effect of organizational support in the instance of political interference.


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