At the crossroads of Marxism and structuralism in modern Polish literary theory (1918–1939): The case of Warsaw and Vilnius student circles

Thesis Eleven ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 159 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-77
Author(s):  
Danuta Ulicka

In this paper, I aim to determine the place of Marxism in Polish literary studies of the 20th century. The starting point is (1) Czesław Miłosz’s comment on the identity of Marxism and structuralism; (2) the absence of the term ‘Marxism’ in the names of Polish workers’ parties and pro-Marxist academic discourse (except an insignificant short period directly after the Second World War when Marxist rhetoric prevailed). Referring to political history, I suggest an explanation of this state of affairs, revealing the function of Marxism under different names in philosophical texts from the beginning of the 20th century. To support my argument, I draw on documents from the newly discovered archive of Dawid Hopensztand. I use this archive to reconstruct his social biography and justify the main thesis about the permanent presence of Marxism in the works of such thinkers as Leszek Kołakowski, Zygmunt Bauman, and even Czesław Miłosz.

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 87-96
Author(s):  
Elena Yu. Guskova

The article is devoted to the analysis of interethnic relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in the 1940s and 1960s. The article is based on materials from the archives of BiH, Croatia, Slovenia, Yugoslavia. The documents show the state of affairs in the Republic – both in the economy and in ideology. In one or another way, all of them reflect the level of tension in the interethnic relations. For the first time, the article presents the discussion on interethnic relations, on the new phenomenon in multinational Yugoslavia – the emergence of a new people in BiH under the name of “Muslim”. The term “Muslims” is used to define the ethnic identity of Bosniaks in the territory of BiH starting from the 1961 census.


Author(s):  
Anna D. Bertova ◽  

Prominent Japanese economist, specialist in colonial politics, a professor of Im­perial Tokyo University, Yanaihara Tadao (1893‒1961) was one of a few people who dared to oppose the aggressive policy of Japanese government before and during the Second World War. He developed his own view of patriotism and na­tionalism, regarding as a true patriot a person who wished for the moral develop­ment of his or her country and fought the injustice. In the years leading up to the war he stated the necessity of pacifism, calling every war evil in the ultimate, divine sense, developing at the same time the concept of the «just war» (gisen­ron), which can be considered good seen from the point of view of this, imper­fect life. Yanaihara’s theory of pacifism is, on one hand, the continuation of the one proposed by his spiritual teacher, the founder of the Non-Church movement, Uchimura Kanzo (1861‒1930); one the other hand, being a person of different historical period, directly witnessing the boundless spread of Japanese militarism and enormous hardships brought by the war, Yanaihara introduced a number of corrections to the idealistic theory of his teacher and proposed quite a specific explanation of the international situation and the state of affairs in Japan. Yanai­hara’s philosophical concepts influenced greatly both his contemporaries and successors of the pacifist ideas in postwar Japan, and contributed to the dis­cussion about interrelations of pacifism and patriotism, and also patriotism and religion.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 17-32
Author(s):  
Mónika Szente-Varga

The first diplomatic and consular relations were established between Mexico and the Habsburg Empire in the 1800 s, motivated basically by commerdal reasons and dynastic interests. These got to an abrupt end with the execution of Emperor Maximilian in Querétaro in 1867, and diplomatic relations were resumed only decades later, in 1901, which is, in fact, our starting point. This essay examines the development of diplomatic relations between Mexico and Central-Eastern Europe from the beginning of the 20'' centuiy until nowadays. It is divided into chronological chapters, where we study bilateral relations in the coordinates of the following periods: beginning of the century, the period between the two world wars, the Second World War, Cold War and recent years. The investigation in based on documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Mexico (SRE-AHD) and of the Hungarian National Archive (MOL).


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Trawny

Writing an introduction to the philosophy of Martin Heidegger after the publication of the “Black Notebooks” is a daring venture. Heidegger's statements about "world Jewry" and his political stubbornness after the Second World War seriously incriminate his thinking. How can one go about introducing the reader into this philosophy without at the same time laying the ground on which these unacceptable ideas can grow? Peter Trawny´s critical introduction is conceived as a representation precisely of the problematic aspects of Heidegger's thinking. At the same time, though, it clearly points out its extraordinary importance in the context of 20th century philosophy.


Author(s):  
Gaj Trifković

This chapter contains a few concluding remarks. This book is the first attempt at a comprehensive analysis of non-violent contacts between the Partisans and the German occupation authorities in Yugoslavia in the Second World War. Far from being the final word on the topic, it is a starting point for further research on various aspects of POW history. Frequent exchanges of able-bodied prisoners between the occupation forces and a resistance movement, partly through a cartel negotiated directly between their high commands, was a distinctive feature of the Second World War in Yugoslavia. It was probably the only place in war-torn Europe where representatives of two irreconcilable ideologies, Communism and Nazism, met regularly at the negotiating table. Both were primarily motivated by the desire to save their own men, but the talks did mitigate, however marginally, the horrors of the war.


Antiquity ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 71 (272) ◽  
pp. 288 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. S. Dobinson ◽  
J. Lake ◽  
A.J. Schofield

The editor of ANTIQUITY remembers travelling, as a child, on the main A1 highway to see relatives in southeast England, watching the banks of sharp-nosed Bloodhound missiles ranged close by the road – pointing east, to meet incoming Soviet bombers. The obsolete monuments of the Cold War, and before that of the Second World War, are history now, famously the Berlin Wall (Baker 1993 in ANTIQUITY). Many, like the concrete runways of the airfields, are so solidly built they are not lightly removed. These remains of England's 20th-century defence heritage are not well understood. However, and contrary to popular belief, they do have a large documentation; and it is this, the authors argue, that should form the basis for systematic review.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-159
Author(s):  
Radosław Kuliniak ◽  
Mariusz Pandura

W Archiwum Rodziny Ingardenów zachował się liczący ponad 400 stron pamiętnik Romana Witolda Ingardena. Ten osobisty dokument nie jest zupełnie nieznany w polskiej literaturze fachowej na temat życia i twórczości fenomenologa. Ingarden jako autor dzieła autobiograficznego nie był z pewnością wyjątkiem w swoich czasach. Na przełomie XIX i XX wieku wiele osób pisało pamiętniki i inne narracje życiowe. Warto wspomnieć, że osobiste dzienniki (później opublikowane lub pozostające do dziś w formie rękopiśmiennej) tworzyli Kazimierz Twardowski, Władysław Tatarkiewicz i inni polscy filozofowie. Ponadto niezwykle popularna była praktyka pisania listów, a także poezji noszącej znamiona autobiograficzne. Należy zaznaczyć, że tekst ten nie powstał pierwotnie jako dokument autobiograficzny filozofa, ale jako zapis życia niedoszłego artysty. Ingarden był poetą przez dużą część swojego życia i pisał wiersze również po drugiej wojnie światowej. Poet Confronted with Himself – Personal Journal of Roman Witold Ingarden The Ingarden family archive includes the diary of Roman Witold Ingarden, over 400 pages long. This personal document is not completely unknown in Polish specialist literature dealing with the life and work of the phenomenologist. As an author of an autobiographical work, Ingarden was certainly not an exception in his times. At the turn of the 19th and the 20th century, many people wrote diaries and other life narratives. It is worth noting that personal journals (some later published and some still available only in handwritten form) were written by Kazimierz Twardowski, Władysław Tatarkiewicz, and other Polish philosophers. It was also enormously popular to write letters and poetry bearing autobiographical traces. It should be noted that the text analysed in the article was not originally created as an autobiographical document of a philosopher, but as an account of the life of an aspiring artist. Ingarden was a poet for a large part of his life and continued to write poetry even after the Second World War.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 267-286
Author(s):  
Ermin Kuka ◽  
◽  
Hamza Memišević ◽  

Main goal of Serbian ideology, policy, practice, starting from the late XVIII until the beginning of XIX century is creation of a clean, pure and ethnic Serbian country so called Great Serbia. In such country idealists also included the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Meanwhile that is achievable only by committing heinous crimes including the Bosnian Genocide. Because of the Visegrads Geostrategic position the city is crucial for Serbian plans, aggressors and criminals tried by any means to form ethnically clean territory, not choosing the means or tools in the attempt of achieving that goal. Highest point of those crimes happened during the second world war 1941-1945, also in the time of aggression on Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina 1992-1995. Numerous mass and individual killings, extermination, enslavement, deportations and / or forcible transfer of the Bosniak population, imprisonment and other forms of deprivation of liberty committed in violation of basic rules of international law constitute a long and sad list of criminal and genocidal acts committed against Bosniaks in the Drina Valley, and in the name of the so-called project Great Serbia. In this cycle and history of chetnik misery and inhumanity, the culmination of human malice, evil blood and moral dishonor was against the Bosniaks of Eastern Bosnia. Thanks to the hard work of the community and people of the country this evil plan and evil intentions of Serbs ideologists did not come through. Yet they do not give up, furthermore they use new means and methods. In that contest targeting wider area of Visegrad, as a starting point for commencing Great Serbian goals and ideas. That gave birth to the idea that Visegrad is continuously in focus to the leaders and actors of the ideology of Great Serbia, therefore creation of ethnically clean Serbian areas. All this, for a consequence, had a permanent acts of numerous crimes against humanity and international human rights among Bosnians in wider area of Visegrad, from the period of World war 2 and in the time of aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this area number of heinous crimes were committed. One of the consequences of the horrific crimes committed against Bosniaks is a radical change in the ethnic structure of the population in the Visegrad area during the 1992-1995 aggression. In relation to the 1991 Census, when there were 13,471 Bosniaks, according to the 2013 census, 1,043 Bosniaks have registered residence in Visegrad. Still, the area wasn’t ethnically cleansed as in accordance to Serbian ideologists, so this shameful project that’s grounded on crime, continued by new means and methods. Analysis confirmed key marks of aggressive attempts of ideology and policy in creating ethnic clean Serbian territory within area of Visegrad. Research is focused and timely determined on three periods: First during the Second world war 1941-1945, Second, Aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, third period after signing of Dayton’s 1995. still this day. For the purpose of proving the general hypothesis of the research, the methods of analysis and synthesis, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method will be used, and for the purposes of obtaining data, the method of analysis (content) of documents and the case study method. Serbian ideologist still tries to remove all Bosnians from the wider area of Visegrad and by doing so make that town the starting point for the next phases of ethical cleansing of non-Serbian population from walleyes of Drina Conclusion would be under any price secure at first economic conditions for survival of Bosnians on those areas, take a set of measures on economically strengthening Gorazde, as a center of gathering non-Serb population in the walleye of Drina.


2012 ◽  
pp. 197-207
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Krel

Analysis one of the aspects, Germans in Vojvodina ethnical identity-ethnical distance/ connection (closeness) to the members of the two most numerous ethnical communities in Vojvodina (Serbs and Hungarian) and Germans in Germany, their home country, bring us interesting results. It is talking about that numerous number of the examinees; based on the ethnical description, threat themselves more close to the Germans in home country then to the Serbs and Hungarian who live around them. Distance to the Serbs is more expressed to the colonists who have been moved In after Second World War and to the refugees and displaced people, who found asylum in Vojvodina, during nineties 20th century. To their neighbors, Hungarians, at the same time they express very contradictory feelings, closeness - because of the cultural preferences, numerous family?s connections and identical religious decisions and also there is a distance because of the need that they reconstruct and restaurate own identity.


Balcanica ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 257-282
Author(s):  
Milan Ristovic

Yugoslav-Greek relations from the end of WWII to the breakup of Yugoslavia and went through several phases. A short period of interlude when the diplomatic relations were re-established 1945/1946 was followed by a much longer one (1946-1950) of conflict due to the Yugoslav support to the Communists in the Greek Civil War. A pragmatic approach to the issue of both parties resulted in a prolonged period (1950-1967) of working relations that culminated in the signing of tripartite treaties with Turkey, Treaty of Ankara (1953) and Bled Agreements (1954). Even though the treaties lost most of their importance after the reconciliation between Belgrade and Moscow in 1955/1956, and the Cyprus crisis, they created a climate of correct relations between two neighbouring states marked by reciprocal visits on the highest level. The coup d??tat of April 1967 brought to power a dictatorship in Greece (1967-1974) and thus inaugurated a new period of tensions in bilateral relations. The last period 1974-1990 was characterized by good working relations between Belgrade and Athens mainly due to the Greece?s efforts to integrate the European Economic Community (EEC) that supposed good relations with its neighbours. The issue of relations of Athens with Socialist Republic of Macedonia, first as a part of Socialst Yugoslavia, and then, after the collapse of the Federation, as the independent country, proved to be the last problem for Yugoslavia and a lasting one for the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, as it used to be known after 1990.


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