Weak States and Pluralism: The Case of Moldova

2003 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 454-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucan A. Way
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Economic Decline ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Weak State ◽  
International Context ◽  
Elite Networks ◽  
The Face

This article argues that Moldova's weak state, tenuous elite networks, and polarized politics have provided key sources of democracy in the post-Soviet period. In the face of a weak civil society, severe economic decline, civil war, low income per capita, and an absence of a democratic history, Moldovan democracy in the 1990s was stronger than in any other non-Baltic, post-Soviet republic. The country is best understood not as a struggling or unconsolidated democracy but instead as a case of failed authoritarianism or “pluralism by default.” In cases of pluralism by default, democratic political competition endures not because civil society is strong or leaders democratic but because politicians are too polarized and the state too feeble to enforce authoritarian rule in a liberal international context. In such cases, the same factors that promote pluralism may also undermine governance and state viability.

Civil Society and Political Order in the Sahel

2021 ◽  
pp. 68-86
Author(s):  
Augustin Loada
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
The Face ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
The Many ◽  
And Control ◽  
Do So

Like elsewhere in Africa, civil society in its current forms re-emerged in the Sahelian countries with political liberalization and the transition from authoritarian rule to democratic systems. This chapter surveys the emergence and the forms of civil society, and analyzes its roles and practices in relation to the efforts to create and maintain political order. Sahelian civil societies in each country have struggled to develop, to maintain their autonomy, and to participate in the construction of new political orders, in the face of the authoritarian impulses of powerholders to domesticate and control them. Civil society is called on to play an important role in promoting, defending, and protecting the principles and values of democracy and social justice in the face of states’ efforts to establish stable political order. The chapter explores the many factors shaping its ability to do so in the Sahel.

РЕЛИГИЯ И НАУКА: КОНФЛИКТ ИЛИ ДИАЛОГ? (ИССЛЕДОВАНИЕ МИРОВОЗЗРЕНЧЕСКИХ И СОЦИАЛЬНЫХ ПРОТИВОРЕЧИЙ В РОССИЙСКОМ ОБЩЕСТВЕ)

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
G. E. Bokov
Keyword(s):  
Modern Science ◽  
Academic Community ◽  
Educational Process ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Religion And Science ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Official Position ◽  
The Face

The article is devoted to the study of the worldviews and social contradictions in Russian society on the example of two different positions on the relationship between religion and science. According to one of these positions these relationships are defined as conflict. The second, opposing point of view says there never was and there cannot be any conflict between religion and science. In the publication such points are called “the paradigm of conflict” and “the paradigm of dialogue”. It shows, the first “paradigm” in the Soviet period of Russian history was determined by ideologization of science and was an important part of anti-religious propaganda. On the contrary, “the paradigm of dialogue” has always been represented primarily by religious thinkers. Today it is the official position of the Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate. The official Church document “The Basis of the Social Concept” says religion and science are designed to complement each other, especially in solving ethical problems that inevitably arise in the face of modern science. However, secular scientists often see in such statements the Church’s claims to active participation in the public life, including the educational process. Representatives of the academic community often speak out against the introduction of the theological educational programs and the theological departments in secular Universities of the Russian Federation. Thus, in contemporary Russian society some continue to believe that there is a conflict between religion and science, while others insist on the need for dialogue.

Reversal of Fortunes: Transformations in State-NGO Relations in Bangladesh

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 579-594 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lamia Karim
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Present Condition ◽  
Nobel Peace Prize ◽  
Grameen Bank ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Weak State ◽  
The Government ◽  
Relationship Of

In 2011, the government of Bangladesh began an investigation into the financial dealings of the Grameen Bank that won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006. This disciplining of a world-renowned institution and its founder by the state reconfigures the altered relationship between the state and NGOs in Bangladesh. This article investigates this about-face between the state and NGOs from the 1990s, when their relationship was characterized as ‘partners in development’, to the late 2000s when the state saw the leading NGOs and their leaders as potential political adversaries. In Bangladesh, the former relationship of a weak state vis-à-vis the powerful, western-funded NGO has been recalibrated. Under the present condition of authoritarian rule, the state is willing to accept the role of the NGO as a development actor but not as a political contender. This article examines this shifting relationship between the state and NGOs.

Was it worth the trouble? Limited competition and citizen well-being under authoritarian rule

2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-113
Author(s):  
Andrea Cassani
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Developing World ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Living Conditions ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Electoral Authoritarianism ◽  
Ordinary Citizens

The last part of 20th century saw the collapse of a dramatic number of dictatorships. Rather than democracy, several of these transitions brought regimes where limited political competition coexists with persistently authoritarian practices. The diffusion of this form of authoritarianism in the developing world raises several questions about its broader consequences. Most importantly, does political change short of democratization matter for ordinary citizens? Recent research demonstrates that nominally democratic institutions, even in the absence of people empowerment, can result in better living conditions. The paper adds to this debate by formulating and testing new hypotheses. I compare electoral authoritarianism with democracy and full dictatorship, including specific subtypes of the latter, and focus on both policy outputs and outcomes.

scholarly journals Diversity for Whom? Gentrification, Demographic Change, and the Politics of School Integration

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Diem ◽  
Jennifer Jellison Holme ◽  
Wesley Edwards ◽  
Madeline Haynes ◽  
Eliza Epstein
Keyword(s):  
School Districts ◽  
Economic Integration ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Comparative Case Study ◽  
District Leaders ◽  
Critical Policy Analysis ◽  
School Demographics ◽  
The Face ◽  
Critical Policy

Gentrification and the displacement of low-income residents of color from neighborhoods where they have long resided has accelerated over the last 20 years. In some cities, this process has begun to impact school demographics. Although research shows that school districts experiencing gentrification are responding in ways that fuel segregation and inequality, in some contexts gentrification is viewed by administrators as an opportunity to seek racial and economic integration. In our exploratory comparative case study, we examined districts in gentrifying cities pursuing integration in the face of rapid gentrification. Our critical policy analysis illustrates how district leaders’ diversity efforts can be overshadowed by their desire to appease and attract gentrifying families. Although districts are maintaining or increasing diversity in gentrifying contexts, our study raises broader equity questions that call for further inquiry of within-district equity and the displacement of students.

scholarly journals Adding Fuel to Fire: How IMF demands for austerity will drive up inequality worldwide

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nona Tamale
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
International Monetary Fund ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Uneven Distribution ◽  
Vulnerable Groups ◽  
Health Crisis ◽  
Global Institutions ◽  
Briefing Paper ◽  
The International Monetary Fund ◽  
The Imf

The COVID-19 pandemic has dealt a huge blow to every country, and many governments have struggled to meet their populations’ urgent needs during the crisis. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has stepped in to offer extra support to a large number of countries during the pandemic. However, Oxfam’s analysis shows that as of 15 March 2021, 85% of the 107 COVID-19 loans negotiated between the IMF and 85 governments indicate plans to undertake austerity once the health crisis abates. The findings in this briefing paper show that the IMF is systematically encouraging countries to adopt austerity measures once the pandemic subsides, risking a severe spike in already increased inequality levels. A variety of studies have revealed the uneven distribution of the burden of austerity, which is more likely to be shouldered by women, low-income households and vulnerable groups, while the wealth of the richest people increases. Oxfam joins global institutions and civil society in urging governments worldwide and the IMF to focus their energies instead on a people-centred, just and equal recovery that will fight inequality and not fuel it. Austerity will not ‘build back better’.

scholarly journals Acid attacks: Issues and Challenges

YMER Digital ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (11) ◽  
pp. 382-387
Author(s):  
Mr. Kiran Ranganath Kale ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Family Conflict ◽  
The Body ◽  
Law Students ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Bodily Harm ◽  
Social Activist ◽  
Acid Attack ◽  
The Face

cid attack is against the indivual but consequences are universal; hence I think it is one kind of deep rooted social evil. As a learner of law we all are well aware that crime is against world at large or against the society. Now this acid attacks demeans the society and humanity. It reflects crony of human beings which is always hidden and not apparent. Over the years the gravity of this heinous crime has centralized Research scholars, thinkers’ Social activist, Legislatures, law students’ judges as well to make out way to curb this paranoia. In A.K. Gopalan’s case Justice Patanjali shashtri said that “man is rational beings desires to do many things but in civil society his desires will have to be controlled with the exercise of sillier desires of other indivual.” And not pouring acid on him or her. Because the main reasons behind commission of this brutal act are unwarranted desires like rejection of love marriages not love but proposal of marriages, refusal of dowry, rejection of sexual demands, property dispute, family conflict, disputes of live-in relationships though desires of human beings cannot be legislated but behavior can be controlled by penalizing it. The acid attack is unpredicted and permeated violence against beauty and body of the person; this is the only attack which can be done against inherent things of the body rather than bodily harm to the person. Those beautiful things of the victims can be targeted which are impossible to digest to the acid throwers. Acid attack is not only crime but also brutal violence that shows the gravity of the act of the thrower. This leads several long term consequences like blindness, disfigurations of the face and body, having negative felling to live along with society. Hence this evil must be eradicated before it grows in civil society

The evolution of policing in post-soviet Russia: Paternalism versus service in police. Officers’ understanding of their role

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 215-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga Semukhina
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Police Officers ◽  
Early Period ◽  
The State ◽  
Retention Rates ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Institutional Identity ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Second Period

This paper examines two interrelated issues: the role of police as an institution of Russian society and their role during the past 25 years. This research is based on a series of indepth interviews conducted by the author in 2014–2016 with former and current police officers in three Russian cities. The paper traces changes in the perceived institutional roles of the Russian police by comparing police officers’ views during three periods: early through mid-1990s, late-1990s through mid-2000s, and mid-2000s through 2010s. The study reports that, during the early period, Russian police were disfranchised from the state and this abandonment was a source of institutional identity crisis for law enforcement officers who remained on the job. This process was coupled with high levels of job dissatisfaction and the overall feeling of “abandonment” of police by the state.At the same time, it was during this post-Soviet period, when ideas of policing as a service to the society were introduced and sometimes entertained among the professional circles of police officers and other government officials. Furthermore, this period was marked by continuous, though often sporadic, institutional reforms and anti-corruption measures.In the second period, the Russian police were slowly engaging back into the state-building process, which caused increased job satisfaction and better retention rates. At the same time, the second period signified a decline of the “police as service” ideology and the comeback of paternalistic views on policing. During this time, the government’s efforts to reform police and anti-corruption measures became systemic and better organized. Also, in the second period, members of the civil society became more active in demanding public accountability and transparency from the Russian police.Finally, the modern period of police development presents a case in which the institutional identity of the Russian police has been clearly connected to the state’s capacity. This process is coupled with increased paternalistic views among police officers and a failure of “police as a service” doctrine. In such an environment, the efforts by a maturing civil society to demand public transparency and accountability of the police are often met with hostility and anger. The paper concludes that further development of the Russian police depends on the role that they will play within the modern Russian state.

The intractability of loss and damage issues in climate negotiations

Soundings ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 78 (78) ◽  
pp. 38-49
Author(s):  
Md Fahad Hossain ◽  
Saleemul Huq ◽  
Mizan R. Khan
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Low Income Countries ◽  
Climate Regime ◽  
Climate Negotiations ◽  
Loss And Damage ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
Key Issues

The impacts of human-induced climate change are manifested through losses and damages incurred due to the increasing frequency and intensity of climatic disasters all over the world. Low-income countries who have contributed the least in causing climate change, and have low financial capability, are the worst victims of this. However, since the inception of the international climate regime under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), loss and damage has been a politically charged issue. It took about two decades of pushing by the vulnerable developing countries for the agenda to formally anchor in the climate negotiations text. This was further solidified through establishment of the Warsaw International Mechanism (WIM) and inclusion of stand-alone Article 8 on loss and damage in the Paris Agreement. Its institutionalisation has only done the groundwork of addressing loss and damage however - the key issue of finance for loss and damage and other matters has remained largely unresolved to date – particularly since Article 8 does not have any provision for finance. This has been due to the climate change-causing wealthy developed nations' utter disregard for their formal obligations in the climate regime as well as their moral obligation. In this article, we tease out the central controversies that underpin the intractability of this agenda at the negotiations of the UNFCCC. We begin by giving a walk-through of the concept and history of loss and damage in the climate regime. Then we present a brief account of losses and damages occurring in the face of rising temperature, and highlight the key issues of contention, focusing on the more recent developments. Finally, we conclude by suggesting some way forward for the twenty-sixth session of the Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC (COP26) taking place in Glasgow, UK in November 2021.

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