When ‘street-level bureaucrats’ act as cultural brokers: The normative dilemmas and personal commitment of government officials in southern Ethiopia

2021 ◽  
pp. 092137402110296
Author(s):  
Susanne Epple
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Local Population ◽  
Customary Law ◽  
Value Systems ◽  
Southern Ethiopia ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Cultural Brokers ◽  
Personal Commitment ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time

Following the implementation of ethnic federalism in 1995, for the first time, government officials have been appointed from among the various ethnic groups rather than being only drawn from the central Ethiopian highlands. As such, they carry the responsibility of mediating and translating between two rather different worlds and value systems: those of the state and state law and those of the local population, many of whom continue to widely apply customary law. Many of these native government officials find themselves in a normative dilemma, as they have to balance the, often contradictory, expectations of the government and the local population.

Voting, violence and violations: peasant voices on the flawed elections in Hadiya, Southern Ethiopia

2001 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 697-716 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjetil Tronvoll
Keyword(s):  
Power Relations ◽  
Southern Ethiopia ◽  
Opposition Party ◽  
Political Campaigning ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Run Up ◽  
And Control ◽  
First Time ◽  
Hadiya Zone

This article presents peasant grievances on the flawed 2000 elections in Hadiya zone, southern Ethiopia. For the first time in Ethiopia's electoral history, an opposition party managed to win the majority of the votes in one administrative zone. In the run-up to the elections, government cadres and officials intimidated and harassed candidates and members from the opposition Hadiya National Democratic Organisation (HNDO). Several candidates and members were arrested and political campaigning was restricted. On election day, widespread attempts at rigging the election took place, and violence was exerted in several places by government cadres and the police. Despite the government's attempt to curtail and control the elections in Hadiya, the opposition party mobilised the people in a popular protest to challenge the government party's political hegemony – and won. If this is an indication of a permanent shift of power relations in Hadiya, it is however, too early to say.

scholarly journals TRENDS AND PROSPECTS OF INSTITUTIONAL SUPPORT OF ANTI-CORRUPTION POLICY

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (22(50)) ◽  
pp. 4-10
Author(s):  
Maryna Averkyna ◽  
Yevhenii Oktysiuk
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Investment ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Institutional Support ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
Judicial System ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
National Agency ◽  
Organize Work ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time

The article considers the preconditions of anti-corruption reform, the essence, economic results and the current situation. Recommendations are also given that should be followed to improve the situation. Prior to the start of the implementation of the anti-corruption reform, there was corruption, which in fact was not prosecuted in any way due to the fact that the judicial system of Ukraine itself was corrupt. The anti-corruption reform established several independent institutions to investigate and convict corruption offenses, including the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine, the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office, the Supreme Anti-Corruption Court, and the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption. These institutions have been called upon to be new independent bodies that receive appeals of corruption violations, investigate cases, and pass sentences. Also, these bodies form and coordinate anti-corruption policy in Ukraine, organize work to prevent and detect corruption in local governments, enterprises, institutions and organizations. Since these institutions were just starting to work, the first few years the economic results were insignificant, but gradually the amount of compensation and terminated illegal contracts became solid. Despite the economic results of the anti-corruption reform, there is a significant outflow of foreign investment for the first time in five years. The main reason for this is distrust of the judiciary and the prevalence of corruption. Despite the economic benefits of fighting corruption, corruption is in fact covered by top government officials, rather than any support from anti-corruption institutions. The article gives some recommendations on how to act in this situation. In particular, it is called upon to support and strengthen Ukraine's anti-corruption infrastructure; pass real sentences on real corrupt officials so that society and investors are convinced that the government is resolutely fighting corruption; punish top corrupt officials, regardless of position, to stop corruption at the highest level, where it is just reaching its peak.

scholarly journals Prevention of Criminal Action of Corruption through the Initiation of the Dayak Ngaju Traditional Laws

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-123
Author(s):  
Kiki Kristanto ◽  
Thea Farina ◽  
Putri Fransiska Purnama Pratiwi ◽  
Libra Adelianty Asuransia
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Natural Law ◽  
Customary Law ◽  
State Law ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Central Kalimantan ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government

Given the complexity of the problem of corruption, it must be treated seriously through a balance of rigorous and precise steps. This step is not only taken by the government and law enforcers, but also by involving the participation of indigenous peoples. In the indigenous Dayak Ngaju community, they are familiar with the principle of not having a bahadat. This principle means that the behavior of life that upholds honesty, equality, togetherness and tolerance and obeying the law (state law, customary law and natural law). According to the author, the existence of the principle of Belom Bahadat can be used as a preventive instrument for the prevention of corruption by government officials in Central Kalimantan Province. This means that there is a contribution of customary law norms to the government's efforts to prevent the occurrence of criminal acts of corruption through the initiation of the belom bahadat principle of Dayak Ngaju customary law.

Tanzania: Documentation in Political Anthropology -- The Hans Cory Collection

1968 ◽  
Vol 11 (02) ◽  
pp. 195-213
Author(s):  
Norman N. Miller
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Land Tenure ◽  
Lake Victoria ◽  
Venereal Disease ◽  
Customary Law ◽  
Political Anthropology ◽  
Arts And Crafts ◽  
Secret Societies ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many

Hans Cory, 1888-1962, in his years as Tanganyika government sociologist, produced a collection of papers and monographs in the general field of political anthropology that rank as an important primary research source concerning that nation. The documentation, as do Cory's published writings, reflect the diverse interests of the author and the many sides of his character. The son of a Viennese musical family, his early interests were in African songs and dances, in composing Swahili poetry, and in collecting African drawings and figurines. Largely self-taught in the field of social anthropology, he had an abiding interest in ceremonies and rites, in the composition of secret societies, and in the use of plant medicines for religious and magical purposes. As an official he advised the government on a myriad of social problems. Outbreaks of murder, venereal disease, cattle theft, or armed revolt often brought administrative requests that he investigate the problem in depth and make policy recommendations. The composition of the Cory collection, which is housed at the University College Library, Dar es Salaam, is predominantly typewritten papers, interviews, observations, and correspondence. Some of the field notes are handwritten, and a few papers are in German. There are also important subfiles of plant samples, drawings, paintings, and song texts. Cory's own bibliographical collection annotates and cross-indexes other writings by ethnic group, region, and individual author. The material falls into seven general categories: (1) local government, including native administration, constitution, and reform; (2) agricultural economics and land tenure; (3) magic, religion, secret societies, and related medical practices; (4) arts and crafts; (5) ethnography and tribal history; (6) customary law; and (7) language. The regional foci of much of the work are on the ethnic groups around Lake Victoria, particularly the Sukuma, Haya, Zinza, Kerewe, and Kuria. The peoples of central and western Tanzania, the Nyamwezi, Gogo, Nyaturu-Rimi, Ha, and Fipa, are represented in the collection, and some data exist on the eastern and coastal ethnic groups, particularly the Pare, Luguru, Zaramo, and Sambaa. Aside from a few monographs dealing with the Ngoni and Hehe, most ethnic groups of the southern regions of the country are not treated.

Oppositional Politics in Ceylon (1947–1968)

1969 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Jeyaratnam Wilson
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Financial Resources ◽  
National Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Village

INTER-PARTY RIVALRY BASED LARGELY ON SOCIO-ECONOMIC LINES took institutional shape in Ceylon, for the first time, with the approach of general elections in August–September 1947, under the newly inaugurated Soulbury Constitution. The issues at the general election of 1947 were simple and straightforward. It was accepted that the United National Party (UNP) would form the government with its leader, D. S. Senanayake, as the man who would lead the country to independence. The party had the backing of almost the entire press. It enjoyed ample financial resources and commanded the support of the ‘big families’, the landed interests, the mudalalis (shop-owners), and government officials, particularly the village headmean. The choice posed to the electors was between a policy of progressive social reforms and stable government advocated by the UNP as against the revolutionary changes that the three left wing parties envisaged – the Trotskyist Lank Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and its splinter, the Bolshevik Leninist Party which later changed its name to the Bolshevik Samasamaja Party (BSP), and the Moscoworiented Communist Party (CP). These left-wing groups were ideologically in conflict with each other.

Paddling Upstream

2020 ◽  
pp. 163-187
Author(s):  
Alan D. Roe
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
National Park ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Industrial Growth ◽  
Volga River ◽  
Illegal Mining ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time

The Samara Bend region on the Volga River experienced rapid industrial growth in the two decades after World War II. Uncertain about the future of the Zhiguli Zapovednik after the government had twice eliminated it (it was re-established after being eliminated the first time) and wanting to expand the area of Samara Bend under protection, some environmentally concerned citizens conceived a national park that they hoped would transform the regional economy. From its establishment in 1984, Samara Bend National Park was mired in conflicts with local populations whose uses of the land were made illegal and industries that had long operated in the park’s territory. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, a young radical environmentalist named Sergei Fomichev staged a protest against continued illegal mining and gained the support of many of the park’s supporters who had become deeply frustrated about what they saw as the indifference of government officials to the park.

scholarly journals Concession Policy of the Soviet Union in Agriculture: A Review of the Recent Historiography

2021 ◽  
pp. 133-142
Author(s):  
Ol’ga Erokhina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Local Population ◽  
German Economy ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Soviet Leadership ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Government ◽  
Historical Comparative

Introduction. The article analyzes the issues of agricultural concession presented in the works of Russian researchers Maxim Matveyevich Zagorulko, Vladimir Viktorovich Bulatov and German historian Marina Schmider. Methods and materials. The monographs are significantly complemented by the already known works on concession policy and practice, as the authors introduce a significant number of new sources and statistics from German and Russian archives and libraries. To provide an objective analysis of the scientific works, the author uses the historical-system and historical-comparative methods. Analysis. The Russian researchers analyze the economic activities of four agricultural concessions: “Druzag”, “Manych”, “Druag”, “Prikumskoye Russo-American Partnership”. They identified factors that influenced the increase or decrease in profitability of the enterprises. M. Schmider focused her attention on changing the attitude of the government and business circles of Germany to the concession policy pursued in the USSR. In addition, it reveals the role of German agricultural concessions in the development of the German economy. The author identified mechanisms of influence on the Soviet leadership, which were used to facilitate the activities of two large agricultural concessions – Manych-Krupp and Druzag. It should be noted that the memoirs of German employees of agricultural concessions helped to recreate the life and activity of Soviet and German workers and employees, compare their working conditions, describe the relationship with the local population and government officials. Results. The authors conclude that the effective management methods and economic activities of these concessions contributed to increasing their competitiveness in comparison with similar Soviet enterprises. However, the activities of the concessions depended not only on the interest of the Soviet leadership in them, but also on the foreign policy relations of Germany and the Soviet state.

The Emancipation of Europe's Muslims

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Laurence
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Critical Junctures ◽  
Muslim Immigrants ◽  
European Democracy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
Integration Problems ◽  
Muslim Minorities

This book traces how governments across Western Europe have responded to the growing presence of Muslim immigrants in their countries over the past fifty years. Drawing on hundreds of in-depth interviews with government officials and religious leaders in France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Morocco, and Turkey, the book challenges the widespread notion that Europe's Muslim minorities represent a threat to liberal democracy. The book documents how European governments in the 1970s and 1980s excluded Islam from domestic institutions, instead inviting foreign powers like Saudi Arabia, Algeria, and Turkey to oversee the practice of Islam among immigrants in European host societies. But since the 1990s, amid rising integration problems and fears about terrorism, governments have aggressively stepped up efforts to reach out to their Muslim communities and incorporate them into the institutional, political, and cultural fabrics of European democracy. The book places these efforts—particularly the government-led creation of Islamic councils—within a broader theoretical context and gleans insights from government interactions with groups such as trade unions and Jewish communities at previous critical junctures in European state-building. By examining how state–mosque relations in Europe are linked to the ongoing struggle for religious and political authority in the Muslim-majority world, the book sheds light on the geopolitical implications of a religious minority's transition from outsiders to citizens. This book offers a much-needed reassessment that foresees the continuing integration of Muslims into European civil society and politics in the coming decades.

How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Stories ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Chinese News Media

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 

Telemedicine (or Teleconsultation?) Practice Guidelines of India: A Game changer or a half-hearted attempt amid COVID-19? (Preprint)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venkatesh U ◽  
Aravind Gandhi P
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Practice Guidelines ◽  
Health Care Workers ◽  
Data Security ◽  
Patient Relationship ◽  
Medical Practitioners ◽  
Care Workers ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
Game Changer

UNSTRUCTURED Telemedicine is where health care intersects with Information Technology. In India, there has been no statutory regulations or official guidelines, specific for Telemedicine practice and allied matters, so far. For the first time, Government of India has released Telemedicine Practice Guidelines for Registered Medical Practitioners on March 25, 2020, amid the COVID-19 outbreak. Through this paper, we would like to initiate the discussion on the features of the guidelines, limitations, and its significance in times of COVID-19 pandemic. The guidelines are with a restricted scope for providing medical consultation to patients, excluding other aspects of Telemedicine such as research and evaluation, and the continuing education of health-care workers. The guidelines have elaborated on the eligibility for practicing Telemedicine in India, the modes and types of Teleconsultation, delved into doctor-patient relationship, consent, & management protocols, touched upon the data security & privacy aspects of the Teleconsultation. After releasing the guidelines, Telescreening of public for COVID-19 symptoms is being advocated by the Government of India. COVID-19 National Teleconsultation Centre (CoNTeC) has been initiated, which connects the doctors across the India to AIIMS in real-time for accessing expert guidance on treatment of the COVID-19 patients.

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