Stealing Thunder in Negative Political Advertising: The Persuasive Impact of One-sided and Two-sided Negative Messages on Partisan Individuals

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Kim

Although two-sided persuasion is a common technique in political speeches, few research has reported the relative persuasiveness of a one-versus two-sided message in the context of negative political advertising. Participants ( N = 116) viewed a negative political ad, varying in message sidedness (one-sided vs. two-sided) and partisan match (partisan-match vs. partisan-mismatch vs. unaffiliated). Multivariate results revealed the relative advantage of two-sided persuasion in the partisan-match condition where participants viewed a negative ad targeting their supporting party candidate. One-sided persuasion was more effective in the partisan-mismatch condition where participants viewed a negative ad criticizing the opposition party candidate. Implications for the practice of strategic negative political campaigns were discussed.

Author(s):  
Margaret Ivy Amoakohene ◽  
Gilbert K. M. Tietaah ◽  
Favour Esinam Normeshie ◽  
Fidelis Yayra Sesenu

As persuasive tools for political campaigns, songs and music are integral features of electioneering in Africa. Since Ghana's return to multiparty democracy in 1992, election cycles in the country have been heralded and accentuated by campaign songs which extol the virtues of their sponsors and/or denigrate the achievements and their suitability for political office. This chapter examines the use of repetitions, testimonials, and biblical imagery in campaign songs of two major political parties in Ghana—the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC)—during the 2012 and 2016 elections. Eight campaign songs were analyzed. The findings show that the songs sought to communicate messages/themes of submissiveness/humility, divine choice/prophecy, achievers/achievement, and opponents as failures/deceivers about the political parties and their candidates.


2012 ◽  
Vol 644 (1) ◽  
pp. 256-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ming Wang ◽  
Itay Gabay ◽  
Dhavan V. Shah

This study explores whether negative political advertising has any impact on adolescents. Two datasets are merged for this inquiry: (1) content-coded ad-buy data on the placement of campaign messages on a market-by-market and program-by-program basis and (2) national survey data of parent-child dyads collected immediately after the 2008 presidential election. The authors’ analysis finds that the negativity of political advertising to which adolescents were exposed predicted human-interest candidate knowledge, but not policy-relevant candidate knowledge. In addition, the negativity of political advertising exposure suppressed political consumerism among adolescents, but had no effect on their levels of political participation. This study shows that political campaigns can affect adolescents’ knowledge and participation in unconventional and potentially deleterious ways.


2020 ◽  
Vol 176 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-65
Author(s):  
Akshaya Kumar

This article describes how the monopolistic capitalism of platform economies gets appropriated by political campaigners by highlighting the critical role of derivative valuations in the market without any ‘fundamentals’. I argue that platform economies help generate both the rhetorical flourish and dubious metadata, which provides an unreliable yet vital anchorage towards political campaigns. In this cross-promotional bidding for statistics, the value of these campaigns is staked upon bold claims, affective fluctuations and popularity metrics. This article argues that we must therefore pay attention to the advertorial overlap of interests which makes a particular state form strategically reliant upon the derivative impulse of monopoly capital. It is via the public transcripts of such overlapping tendencies – which make it difficult to distinguish between the product and the advertisement – that derivative valuations emerge, converting intangible assets into tangible gains.


2003 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Wicks ◽  
Boubacar Souley

This study examines the news releases that were posted on the official campaign Web sites of George W. Bush and Al Gore during the 2000 presidential campaign. Analysis of each of the 487 news releases posted during the campaign season reveals that nearly three-quarters of these contained an attack on the opponent. This parallels data on the incidence of attacks appearing in televised political advertising during the 2000 campaign. The study provides support for the Political Competition Model, which posits that close races produce significant negativity. Furthermore, the study offers insights on how presidential political campaigns may use campaign Web sites in the future.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Adina Gitomer ◽  
Pavel V. Oleinikov ◽  
Laura M. Baum ◽  
Erika Franklin Fowler ◽  
Saray Shai

AbstractOnline political advertising is becoming increasingly popular as political campaigns recognize the utility of social network platforms, like Facebook, for reaching and engaging with voters. Yet, contrary to the wealth of information about campaign advertising on TV, little is known about advertising online, as comprehensive data only recently became available to scholars. Moreover, the newly available data is often aggregated, incomplete, and imprecise. Here, we present an analysis of Facebook political ad data, supplemented with funding-related meta-data obtained through human coding and a partnership with the Center for Responsive Politics. Through computational tools—namely, network analysis—we aim to use this data to describe and categorize political ad funding behavior on Facebook. Specifically, we focus on the geographic concentration of ads, and discover that most ads reach an audience in a single geographic region (i.e., U.S. state) or in a wide range of regions, and very few reach an audience spanning a small number of regions. We use this observation to partition funding entities into three groups based on their relationships to regionally-concentrated ads. We then examine the differences between these groups via bipartite networks connecting funding entities to their geographic audiences, as well as content they support. Our findings reveal that geographic impressions play an important role in online political advertising, and can be used to classify funding entities. As a result, this study represents a step toward ensuring political funding transparency and demystifying online political advertising more broadly.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rully Rully

Political advertising has been part in series of political campaigns with all its dynamics. Interestingly, social media is quite effective attracting voters thus emerging the supporting community. This phenomenon is felt since 2014 Elections, when viewed furthermore, the shared content in socmed has same patterns packing political ads, which plays negative issue in society. How is the effectiveness of political ads through socmed in Indonesian politics? Why is a negative political ads tends to have more influence in society? According Perloff (2014), the feature of political ads is to direct its negativity, used for colorful roles in presidential campaigns and proving that it is easier for people to consider negative advertising than positive advertising.Qualitative descriptive analysis will reveal the phenomena with relevant theories to the effects of socmed illustrating its power to form partisan.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Eunhan Kim

Purpose This study aims to examine how the relative importance of a search versus a credence attribute, strategically addressed in a flu vaccination advertisement, varies as a function of message sidedness. A search attribute was designed to highlight the affordability of flu shots, and a credence attribute addressed the potential health benefits of flu vaccination. Design/methodology/approach Two experiments were designed to explore how the relative persuasiveness of search versus credence attributes varies as a function of message sidedness in the context of flu vaccination advertising. In Experiment 1, the search–credence attribute type was manipulated by addressing either the affordability (e.g. “Get free flu shots”) or indirect health benefits of flu vaccines (e.g. “Improve herd immunity/community health”). In Experiment 2, an individual-level credence attribute (e.g. “Strengthen your immune system”) was created and compared to the other two attribute conditions used in Experiment 1: a search versus a societal credence versus an individual credence attribute. Findings Experiment 1 (N = 114) revealed the relative advantage of a search attribute (free flu shots) in the two-sided persuasion. Experiment 2 (N = 193) indicated that the persuasive impact of a societal credence attribute (herd immunity/community health) was greater in the two-sided message condition (vs one-sided message condition). Originality/value Relatively little research has examined how consumers respond to strategic flu prevention and vaccination messages promoting either credence or search attributes. Motivated by the need to investigate the relative effectiveness of stressing “herd immunity” versus “free flu shots” in flu vaccination advertising, this study examines how the effects of these distinct attributes on flu vaccination judgments differ between two-sided (e.g. “No vaccine is 100% effective”) and one-sided persuasion.


Author(s):  
Kim L. Fridkin ◽  
Patrick J. Kenney

Chapter 8 begins with a review of the book’s findings regarding the impact of negative campaigning in U.S. Senate races and assesses the evidence for the tolerance and tactics theory of negativity. The tolerance and tactics theory of negativity helps to resolve several debates in the negative campaigning literature. For example, in light of the book’s findings, it is easier to predict the types of negative advertisements that are more likely to influence people’s evaluations of candidates. Similarly, the theory and evidence advance explanations about when negative messages will enhance turnout and when these messages are more likely to depress turnout. Since the bulk of negative advertisements are sponsored by outside groups, the chapter examines how the increased role of outside money, especially dark money, shapes political campaigns and citizens’ attitudes and actions. The chapter concludes by discussing the role of contemporary campaigns in America.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 245
Author(s):  
Badriah Khalid Al-Gublan ◽  
Linda J. Rice

Political campaigns are dynamic struggles between candidates to define the informational context for voters. Early studies (Kaid, 1981, 1994a, 1994b) suggested that political advertising has cognitive and behavioral effects on voters. It communicates the brand promise of a candidate blending functional and emotional benefits that voters gain from their relationships with a candidate. This study, based on Lakoff’s Framing Model (LFM, 2004), proposes a pragmatic model for the analysis of a political election rhetoric. Within this pragmatic model, it is shown that in such a rhetoric the process of choosing variables of mental and psychological strategies is used. Such a process can be understood as the outcome of producers’ choice making, dynamic negotiation and linguistic adaptation. The analysis of a political discourse makes it possible to see how frames are powerful rhetorical entities that motivate audience to filter their perceptions of the world. It presents evidences to the claim that a candidate’s speech using ‘rhetoric of fear’ appeals to the audience. Contradicted reactions appear: some audience react feeling ‘fearful’ while others respond feeling ‘protected’ or ‘heard’ that a candidate is listening to their concerns and willing to fulfil them. It also shows how the institutionalized use of strategy language has implications: some of these emerge from the genre itself while others derive from situation; specific choices.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (0) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Martín Echeverría ◽  

Facing the concern of increasing incivility in political campaigns, we present a content analysis of negative advertising broadcast in four Mexican presidential elections, to explain the factors that shape their treats and likelihood of emission (2000 to 2018, N=108). Three factors are significant: competitiveness of the elections raises the likelihood of attacks; strict regulation makes them subtler, and party ideology determines the tactics followed.


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