India–Vietnam Defence and Security Cooperation

2021 ◽  
pp. 097492842110049
Author(s):  
Viraj Solanki
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Bilateral Agreements ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Multilateral Cooperation ◽  
Military Exercises ◽  
Lines Of Credit ◽  
Security Relationship

Defence and security cooperation between India and Vietnam is an increasingly important area of the India–Vietnam ‘comprehensive strategic partnership’. This wide-ranging cooperation includes government-to-government dialogues, bilateral agreements, defence lines of credit, prospective defence procurements, maritime cooperation and multilateral cooperation. Cooperation has been formalised and expanded through a series of bilateral defence and security agreements to provide a basis for enhancing relations, which have been further developed through regular government-to-government dialogues. The defence and security dialogues and agreements have provided a framework for practical cooperation between the two countries’ militaries, which includes a focus on defence training, military exercises and discussions for the sale of different Indian arms equipment to Vietnam. Maritime cooperation between India and Vietnam has been the most significant element of bilateral defence and security cooperation, and both sides have found mutual convergences on cooperation in the South China Sea and the wider Indo-Pacific region. Relations between the two countries have also strengthened multilaterally on defence and security issues, including through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. There are opportunities to further strengthen the India–Vietnam defence and security relationship, both bilaterally and with third countries.

scholarly journals Greater Eurasia, Indo-Pacific Region and Russia-ASEAN Relations

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-43
Author(s):  
E. A. Kanaev ◽  
A. S. Korolev
Keyword(s):  
Mutual Influence ◽  
International Terrorism ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Global Context ◽  
Future System ◽  
Original Interpretation ◽  
Near Future

The article aims to specify the influence of the projects the Greater Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific Region on the prospective relations between Russia and ASEAN. The key component of its novelty is the authors’ original criteria of comparing the two projects: the degree of consolidating agenda of cooperation between their current and prospective participants, the congruence with the East Asia’s – assuming that it will be the economic driver of the forthcoming Greater Eurasia and Indo-Pacific Region – modality of multilateral dialogue and the preconditions for the survivability of both projects in the long-term perspective. Making this comparison, the authors substantiate the view that the Greater Euraya  sian Partnership is far more competitive that the Indo-Pacific Region. Exploring cooperation between Russia and ASEAN through the prism of their forthcoming strategic partnership, the authors offer an original interpretation of the reasons behind the presently insufficient cooperation and its most likely future directions proceeding from the mutual influence of Russia’s and ASEAN’s prospective planning and the emerging global context. In the near future, combating international terrorism and strengthening connectivity will come to the forefront of Russia’s and ASEAN’s priorities, with the focus shifting from Southeast Asia to the Eurasian area. In the authors’ view, if the present trends continue the aftereffects of the Indo-Pacific Region can stimulate downward trends in the Russia-ASEAN relationship. This will be premised upon the decrease in effectiveness of the Asia-Pacific multilateral dialogue platforms, likely Russian-Chinese joint maneuvers in the South China Sea and the necessity to specify, along with lack of impressive results, the essence of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between Russia and Vietnam as the foundation for the Russia-ASEAN strategic partnership. In its turn, the Greater Eurasia offers Russia and the association new promising possibilities, among which of particular importance are the development of connectivity narrative in Eurasia and combating international terrorism by means of adopting the ASEAN-led dialogue platforms ARF, ADMM+8 and EAS to the future system of security, cooperation and co-development from Lisbon to Jakarta. The realization of the forthcoming shift from the Asian century to the Eurasian century and the emergence of the Greater Eurasia as the second center in the global politics will allow Russia and the association to expand and diversify their cooperation and, in perspective, to develop it on the self-supporting and self-reproducing basis. 

Washington faces challenge to reassure Asian partners

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
The West ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Us

Significance Harris visited Singapore and Vietnam, both of which figure heavily in US security policy in the region. In Singapore, she weathered criticism of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan. In Hanoi, she proposed talks about a strategic partnership, which would mean a significant upgrade to relations with Vietnam. Impacts The Afghanistan withdrawal will make alliances and US reliability central issues in upcoming elections in Japan and South Korea. Japan will strengthen its emerging security cooperation with India, shoring up its defence in the west of the Indo-Pacific region. To test US commitment to the region after the Afghanistan withdrawal, China and North Korea will be increasingly provocative.

The Sino–Russian Military–Security Relationship

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J. Bolt ◽  
Sharyl N. Cross
Keyword(s):  
Territorial Disputes ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Shanghai Cooperation Organization ◽  
Arms Sales ◽  
Military Alliance ◽  
Military Exercises ◽  
Military Security ◽  
Security Relationship ◽  
Russian Military ◽  
Two Sides

China and Russia see numerous external and internal challenges that threaten their security, including Russia’s standoff with NATO over Ukraine and China’s territorial disputes in the South China Sea, and both states are increasing the capabilities of their military forces. In this environment, China and Russia have established a secure border that enables them to focus elsewhere. Russian arms sales to China are important, and the two sides engage in joint military exercises, both bilaterally and in conjunction with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. They further cooperate on regional issues and space. However, China and Russia have not formed a military alliance, and the memory of past conflicts and the growing power of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) vis-à-vis the Russian military place limits on security cooperation.

THE “RUSSIA’S PIVOT TO ASIA” AND PERSPECTIVE STRATEGY OF MULTILATERAL COOPERATION IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-53
Author(s):  
SERGEY BIRYUKOV ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Multilateral Cooperation ◽  
Pivot To Asia ◽  
The Status ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis

Russian diplomacy after the Ukrainian crisis of 2014 is in search of the most effective strategy that would meet the growing challenges of the modern world. The continued fragmentation (“creeping dismantling”) of the mechanisms and institutions on which the bipolar world has been built for decades requires a flexible and adequate foreign policy line that can be used to reduce risks and advance one’s own interests in an ever-changing situation. One of the elements of this strategy is a “turn to Asia” - a promising trend of Russian foreign policy, the consideration of which the author aims at. Based on the results of the analysis carried out in the article, the author comes to the conclusion that such a turn cannot be implemented within the framework of an inertial strategy - but it requires Russia to be active in building qualitatively new relations with other countries of the Asia-Pacific region (both bilateral and multilateral). It also appears that a “reversal” cannot be carried out within the framework of a tacking strategy - since tacking in foreign policy only reinforces the status quo, but does not help to move forward. The author believes that the best option of Russia’s strategy in the Asia-Pacific region is Pro-active construction - that is, building relations of multilateral partnership with all other countries in the region interested in maintaining its sustainable development, peaceful resolution of disputes, the development of interstate trade and cultural exchanges. Developing a strategic partnership with China, Russia is called upon and able to start a dialogue on partnership with other Asia-Pacific countries, using existing dialogue platforms (Asia-Pacific economic cooperation summits) to develop partnerships in different areas.

Vietnam’s Regional Security Perceptions and Priorities: Role of India

2021 ◽  
pp. 097492842110049
Author(s):  
Rahul Mishra
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
White Paper ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The Past ◽  
East Asia Summit ◽  
Military Exercises ◽  
Lines Of Credit ◽  
The Us ◽  
Recent Developments

Over the past several decades, India and Vietnam have consolidated their relationship through bilateral engagements, which have been complemented by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-led multilateral mechanisms such as the East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum, ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting Plus, and the India-led Mekong-Ganga Cooperation (MGC). Building up on their traditionally strong relations, India and Vietnam have widened and deepened their defence and strategic links in recent years, which is manifested in joint trainings, military exercises and defence Lines of Credit offered by India. Since the 1990s, especially over the last decade, both India and Vietnam have made strategic readjustments to elevate their respective bilateral ties with like-minded countries bringing about new commonalities in their politico-strategic visions and policies. Like India, Vietnam too is trying to bring the multilateral and multi-dimensional Indo-Pacific agenda to the mainstream of its foreign policy calculations, facilitated by greater warmth in ties with Japan and the US. Vietnam’s embracing of the Indo-Pacific is also in sync with ASEAN’s Outlook on Indo-Pacific. It also aligns well with Vietnam’s longstanding policy of ‘Three Nos’, expanded to four in its 2019 Defence White Paper. While recent developments in the South China Sea have exacerbated Vietnam’s growing anxieties vis-à-vis China, considering its trade interlinkages and dependence on China (and Russia), it is apparent that Vietnam is not yet ready to uproot its multi-layered linkages with China and get on board the ‘Quad plus’ initiative that is perceived as an overtly anti-China coalition of democracies. India–Vietnam ties, therefore, must rely on the bilateral plank along with ASEAN-linked mechanisms, MGC, and the Indo-Pacific construct, while trying to develop concerted actions through deeper cooperation with Japan and the US. In short, any initiative to include Vietnam in a Quad Plus mechanism without sufficiently developing synergies with individual countries would not only yield desired outcomes. This article argues that India–Vietnam ties would benefit most by attaching their bilateral pillar of relationship with the ASEAN- and Indo-Pacific-centred inclusive multilateral mechanisms while gradually engaging the US, Japan and other potential partners in suitable frameworks.

Under the shadow of the giants: The ASEAN in search of a common strategy in a fluid and perilous Indo-Pacific region

2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110145
Author(s):  
Renato Cruz De Castro
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Regional Power ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
The Us ◽  
Common Strategy

This article examines how the ASEAN is managing the quintessential security challenges of the 21st century, particularly China’s emergence as a regional power, its expansive territorial claim in the South China Sea, and the US–China strategic rivalry in the Indo-Pacific region. As an organization tackling these security concerns, the ASEAN lacks the essential mechanism for conflict resolution, operates through informal diplomacy and moral suasion, and relies on consensus in making decisions. As a result, China has effectively divided the association during the talks on the peaceful settlement of the South China Sea dispute. China is currently formulating with the ASEAN a Code of Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea. All the same, China has made sure that any future agreement with the ASEAN imposes no constraints on its expansionist moves in the contested waters, and contains provisions that benefit its interests in the long run. Meanwhile, US–China strategic competition has prompted the ASEAN to think of ways to deal with this potential security threat. However, the association has failed to come up with a common strategy. In conclusion, this article argues that China’s emergence as a regional power, its maritime expansion into the South China Sea, and the US–China geopolitical contest are testing both the capacity and the limits of the ASEAN in resolving these security issues.

scholarly journals GAGASAN INDONESIA MENGENAI INDO-PACIFIC TREATY: PROSPEK DAN MASALAH

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agung Citra Purnama
Keyword(s):  
Active Role ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Mutual Trust ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
The World ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Area Of Concern

<p><strong>Abstrak</strong> – Kawasan Indo-Pasifik merupakan kawasan yang menjadi perhatian dunia saat ini, karena kekuatan di bidang politik, ekonomi dan militer dari negara-negara yang ada didalam kawasan tersebut. Permasalahan keamanan yang terjadi di kawasan tersebut menjadi perhatian dunia dan Indonesia merasa perlu berperan aktif dalam menciptakan perdamaian dan keamanan di kawasan. Oleh karena itu, melalui mantan Menteri Luar Negeri Marty Natalegawa, Indonesia mengajukan sebuah gagasan pembentukan Indo-Pacific Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation untuk menjaga keamanan kawasan. Artikel ini bermaksud mengetahui makna dan tujuan gagasan pembentukan traktat ini, serta prospek dan masalah dalam mewujudkannya. Di akhir penelitian ditemukan simpulan bahwa gagasan dan tujuan dari pembentukan Indo-Pacific Treaty ini adalah menciptakan mekanisme untuk mempromosikan cara damai dan saling percaya dengan tidak menggunakan cara pengerahan kekuatan militer dan tidak merugikan pihak-pihak lain di dalam kawasan. Walaupun untuk saat ini prospek mewujudkan gagasan ini masih kecil dikarenakan adanya sejumlah masalah yang menghadang, namun gagasan ini tetap dapat diwujudkan di masa depan dengan menggunakan strategi yang mendapat dukungan dari negara-negara lain di kawasan.</p><p><br /><strong>Kata Kunci</strong> : gagasan, indo-pacific treaty, prospek, masalah, keamanan kawasan, kerjasama keamanan</p><p><br /><em><strong>Abstract</strong></em> – Indo-Pacific region is an area of concern for the world today, because of the power in politics, economics and military of the countries that are in this region. Security problems that occur in this region become the attention of the world and Indonesia felt it necessary to play an active role in establishing peace and security in the region. Therefore, through the former Minister of Foreign Affairs Marty Natalegawa, Indonesia proposed the idea of establishment an Indo-Pacific Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation for maintaining regional security. This article intends to determine the meaning and purpose of the idea of this treaty, as well as the prospects and problems in realizing them. In conclusion, the idea and the purpose of the establishment of Indo-Pacific Treaty is to create mechanisms to promote peaceful means and mutual trust without deployment of military force and harming other parties in the region. Although for now the prospect of realizing this idea is still small due to a number of problems facing, but this idea can still be realized in the future by using a strategy that has the support of other countries in the region.</p><p><br /><em><strong>Keywords</strong></em>: idea, indo-pacific treaty, prospects, problems, regional security, security cooperation</p>

scholarly journals RUSSIA'S PARTICIPATION IN MULTILATERAL MECHANISMS IN EAST ASIA

2014 ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
N. V. Stapran
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Russian Far East ◽  
Far East ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Full Member ◽  
Multilateral Cooperation ◽  
The Far East

After the end of the Cold War Russia has significantly increased its participation in multilateral mechanisms in the Asia-Pacific region and is clearly trying to become a significant player in regional institution-building. For two post-Cold War Russia decades was involved in almost all the basic mechanisms of multilateral cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region. However, often Russia isn't perceived by Asian partners as an equal participant in the Asia-Pacific region, it is felt particularly in the area of multilateral economic cooperation. Russia's entry into the WTO (2011) and the formation of the Common Economic stimulated Russia's engagement in multilateral economic structures. Russia's inclusion in the negotiating framework of ASEM (2010) and EAS (2011) perceives that Asian countries are willing to see Russia as a full member not only in regional processes, but also globally. The main stimulus for the revision of the Asian direction of foreign policy and the role of Siberia and the Far East appears during APEC summit in Vladivostok in 2012. The APEC summit demonstrated the geostrategic importance of the development of the Russian Far East and Siberia, as a key element of Russia's inclusion in the mechanisms of regional cooperation, on the other hand, it became clear that without the participation of foreign partners effective development of the Far Eastern territories is hardly possible. Large-scale investment and infrastructure projects in the Far East has already significantly revived the situation in the region opening new opportunities for multilateral cooperation.

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