Transitional Politics in Bangladesh: A Study of Sattar's Interim Presidency

1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-280
Author(s):  
Shaukat Hassan

President Ziaur Rahman's assassination at the hands of miscreants in the vort of Chittagong in May 1981 stunned his compatriots. Zia was the first popularly elected president with a 77 per cent electoral mandate. His youth, igour and dedication had earned him the respect of his countrymen. He was he only President to establish genuine and regular political contact with the ural majority, bringing to them the promise of a better life. And in the eyes f the informed public he had pulled Bangladesh out of the backwaters of the sian sub-continent into the glare of international limelight. But his sudden eath threw the nation into chaos and uncertainty, and a resolute adherance the Constitution seemed to be the only modus operandi ad interim. The mediate reaction of the government, the opposition parties and the armed ervices to the news of the assassination was a spirited portrayal of national nity. With Zia's Cabinet still intact, the ailing septuagenarian Vice President, bdus Sattar, was hurriedly brought from an army hospital and sworn in as e Acting President,1 pending presidential elections within 180 days as was equired by the Constitution.2 Immediately after, the new Acting President roclaimed a state of emergency3 as a step towards national consolidation. n emergency Cabinet meeting was held, following which Sattar declared his overnment's resolution to honour Zia's international commitments and carry rward his domestic policies and objectives. Next, the Chiefs of the Armed ervices, the Intelligence Services, the Bangladesh Rifles and the Police were mmoned to the “Bangabhaban,” and their total support to Sattar's interim overnment was publicly announced. The parliamentary group of the Banglaesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the party then in power, also hurriedly met in special session to reaffirm the party's solidarity with and total support Sattar. Sattar also invited the leaders of the opposition parties to “Bangahaban” and secured assurances of their full support to his transitional governtent. The chiefs of the navy and army in their television broadcasts assured he nation of their allegiance to Sattar and their united commitment to contain he rebellion in Chittagong expeditiously. Thus, within 48 hours after Zia's ssassination, the new government managed to portray a picture of national nity and solidarity, though the national crises that loomed large were yet to e resolved.

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Muhammad Hidayansyah ◽  
Trisakti Handayani ◽  
M Syahri

ABSTRAKPemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden merupakan acara lima tahun sekali yang dilaksanakan di Indonesia, kegiatan ini sebagai wahana menyalurkan segala aspirasi masyarakat terutama dalam mempengaruhi keputusan politik, dan Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui peran dan partisipasi masyarakat Kota Malang dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden tahun 2014 di Kota Malang, selain itu untuk mengetahui peran KPU Kota Malang dalam pemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014, dan untuk menjelaskan faktor pendukung dan penghambat partisipasi masyarakat dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden 2014.Penelitian ini menggunakan Model penelitian deskriptif, yaitu suatu model penelitian dengan mencatat, mendeskripsikan dan menginterpratasikan peran KPU dalam meningkatkan partisipasi politik masyarakat dalam pemilihan umum prseiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang, dan penelitian ini menggunakan tiga teknik pengumpulan data yaitu wawancara, dokumentasi dan observasi. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, diperoleh hasil bahwa peran KPU dalam meningkatkan partisipasi politik masyarakat dalam pemilihn umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang sangat besar. Artinya ini sesuai dengan realita dan fakta yang terjadi di lapangan, bahwa tahun 2014 partisipasi masyarakat Kota Malang sangat meningkat. Hal ini didukung oleh hasil wawancara dan observasi kepada pememrintahan Kota Malang, Partai Politik dan Masyarakat Kota Malang, selain itu hal yang paling mendukung adalah hasil perthitungan suara di Kota Malang, menunjukan sebanyak 70% masyarakat Kota Malang ikut berpartisipasi dalam pemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang.Kata Kunci : Peran KPU, Partisipasi Masyarakat.ABSTRACTGeneral election for president and vice president is an event held every five years in Indonesia. This is a program which is used for channeling the aspirations of all communities, especially in influencing political decisions. This study aims to determine the role and participation of Malang communities in the presidential and vice presidential elections 2014. Besides, this study also aims to determine the role of General Elections Commission (KPU) of Malang in general election of president and vice president in 2014, and to explain the enabling and inhibiting factors of communities’ participation in the election of president and vice president in 2014. The approach used in this study is descriptive study, which is a study model by noting, describing and interpreting the role of KPU in increasing the communities’ political participation in the elections of president and vice president 2014 in Malang. This study uses three methods in collecting the data. They are interview, documentation, and observation. Based on the result of the study, it can be concluded that the General Elections Commission has a big role in increasing communities’ political participation in the elections of president and vice president 2014 in Malang. This means that it corresponds to the reality and the facts which occurred, that in 2014 the participation of Malang communities greatly increased. This is supported by the results of the interviews and observations to the government of Malang, Political Parties in Malang and also Malang communities. Besides, the most favorable case is the result of vote counting in Malang which shows as much as 70% of people in Malang participated in the elections for president and vice president 2014 in Malang.Key words: Role of the General Elections Commissions, Communities Participations


Significance Some initiatives have been introduced to help counter the economic and social impacts of the pandemic, but the government’s actions appear to be driven less by the need to address the health crisis than by a desire to shore up political support ahead of elections next year. Impacts Opposition parties are beginning to forge electoral alliances in the hope of benefitting from popular frustration with the government. Trade and investment into Nicaragua will remain minimal, with external firms wary about the potential prevalence of COVID-19. The outcome of the US presidential elections in November will affect the potential for US aid and investment.


Subject Political update. Significance Primaries are to be held on January 27 to define candidates for the October presidential elections. In practice, these are largely perfunctory since most contending parties have already selected their slates for president and vice-president. Incumbent President Evo Morales leads in opinion polls, but opposition parties continue to claim that his candidacy is unconstitutional, citing the results of a referendum on presidential term limits held in February 2016. Impacts The opposition can unite around the bid to stop Morales running, but it suffers strong personal rivalries. The plethora of old faces challenging Morales will complicate any efforts to campaign based on calls for fresh politics. Bolivia’s continued strong economic growth will assist Morales. Morales will become increasingly isolated on the wider regional stage, particularly as Venezuela’s crisis deteriorates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-71
Author(s):  
Ofis Rikardo

ABSTRACTElections are a means of implementing the sovereignty of the people regulated in the 1945 Constitution. In the implementation of indirect democracy, a representative democratic system is inevitable, so that elections that uphold direct, public, free, secret, honest and fair spirit are a means of regenerating leadership politics to run the government both at central and regional levels. People as the owner of the highest sovereignty surrender their sovereignty to state institutions such as the President, DPR, DPD, and DPRD through elections. After the change in the 1945 Constitution there was a shift in the regulation of popular sovereignty such as the MPR is no longer the executor of popular sovereignty, the implementation of direct presidential elections by the people, until the emergence of the Constitutional Court that can try and decide the president and vice president to stop in his term of office. All of this is an effort to uphold the people's sovereignty and at the same time to maintain the people's sovereignty based on the 1945 Constitution. Keywords: People's Sovereignty, Elections, 1945 Constitution


Subject Constitutional reform in Singapore. Significance Parliament is expected in August to receive recommendations on electoral and constitutional changes that will affect opposition politics and executive powers. The government raised the initiatives in parliament in January; Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said they would be beneficial to Singapore and its government. However, the measures are also likely to benefit the People's Action Party (PAP), which has ruled Singapore since independence in 1965. Impacts Presidential elections are unlikely to become more competitive. Opposition parties would gain parliamentary exposure if the reform recommendations are enacted. Government scrutiny of corporations' activities in the community and local politics will intensify.


2016 ◽  
Vol 67 (9) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jean-Claude Paye

The Paris attacks of November 13, 2015, demonstrate, if such a demonstration is still necessary, that the aim of new French intelligence laws is not to anticipate or prevent terrorist attacks, but simply to eliminate the private lives of French citizens. President Hollande's statements that delays in implementing the law were behind the "failure" of the intelligence services are a denial of the fact that this legislation only confirms existing practices. The Law on Intelligence, just like the law on military planning, is mainly an attack on private freedoms. The state of emergency will likewise eliminate public freedoms.&hellip; Following the November 13 massacres, the government is already considering changes to the Law on Intelligence, with the aim of "eas[ing] the procedures the intelligence services must follow when they would like to use means of surveillance." Yet this law does not establish any controls over the activities of the secret services. It does set up a National Control Commission, but this body has no effective possibility of carrying out its mission, and can only offer recommendations. It is not a question, then, of eliminating a control that does not exist, but of signaling that the very idea of monitoring the executive branch should be abandoned&mdash;a clear signal that no limitation can or should be placed on its actions.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-9" title="Vol. 67, No. 9: February 2016" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fradhana Putra Disantara

This study aims to analyze the relevance of the �health emergency� status to the existing legal theory and condition as well as to identify the validity of the Circular Letter of the Rector of State Universities. To this end, this study applied the statute and conceptual approach. The study was conducted by inventorying primary and secondary legal materials to obtain a proper and critical review of the legal issues under study. The results showed that the determination of the �health emergency� status by the government was inappropriate due to the uncertainty of the regulations issued by the government to determine the current condition. Thus, the status of the COVID-19 pandemic is a �legal emergency� status. Further, the Rector�s policy through the Circular Letter is valid judicially, sociologically, and philosophically. The determination of the �legal emergency� status can be done by issuing a Perppu without a �state of emergency� from the President. Finally, it is suggested to firstly get an approval from the Ministry of Education and Culture regarding the issuance of the Rector�s Circular Letter. Besides, further study is needed as this study was conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic.�Keabsahan Surat Edaran Rektor Perguruan Tinggi dalam Pandemi Covid-19Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisa relevansi status �darurat kesehatan� dengan teori hukum dan kondisi yang ada dan keabsahan atas Surat Edaran Rektor Perguruan Tinggi Negeri. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah statute approach dan conseptual approach. Penelitian dilakukan dengan menginventarisasi bahan hukum primer dan sekunder, guna mendapatkan kajian yang seyogianya dan telaah kritis terkait isu hukum. Hasil penelitian menyatakan penetapan status darurat kesehatan oleh pemerintah kurang tepat, dikarenakan tidak menentu-nya peraturan yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah untuk menetapkan kondisi saat ini. Sehingga, status pandemi COVID-19 merupakan status darurat hukum. Kebijakan rektor melalui Surat Edaran adalah absah secara aspek yuridis, sosiologis, dan filosofis. Penetapan darurat hukum cukup dilakukan dengan menerbitkan Perppu tanpa pernyataan darurat dari Presiden. Saran peneliti adalah di perlukan persetujuan pada Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan terkait terbitnya Surat Edaran Rektor, dan dibutuhkan penelitian lebih lanjut dikarenakan penelitian ini dilakukan pada masa COVID-19 yang bersifat temporal.�


Author(s):  
Kira D. Jumet

This chapter outlines the individual grievances arising from political, economic, social, and religious conditions under the government of Mohamed Morsi that became the foundations of opposition to his rule. It focuses on democracy in Egypt, the 2012 presidential elections, and the expectations and promises put forth by Morsi. The chapter also covers popular perceptions of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party, grievances surrounding electricity and gas, security and sexual harassment, Morsi’s speeches and representation of Egypt on the international stage, and Morsi’s political appointments. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted in Egypt during the year of Morsi’s presidency.


Author(s):  
Michael D. Metelits

The Arthur Crawford Scandal explores how nineteenth century Bombay tried a British official for corruption. The presidency government persuaded Indians, government officials, to testify against the very person who controlled their career by offering immunity from legal action and career punishment. A criminal conviction of Crawford’s henchman established the modus operandi of a bribery network. Subsequent efforts to intimidate Indian witnesses led to litigation at the high court level, resulting in a political pressure campaign in London based on biased press reports from India. These reports evoked questions in the House of Commons; questions became demands that Indians witnesses against Crawford be fired from government service. The secretary of state for India and the Bombay government negotiated about the fate of the Indian witnesses. At first, the secretary of state accepted the Bombay government’s proposals. But the press campaign against the Indian witnesses eventually led him to order the Government of India, in consultation with the Government of Bombay, to pass a law ordering those officials who paid Crawford willingly, to be fired. Those whom the Bombay government determined to be extorted were not to be fired. Both groups retained immunity from further actions at law. Thus, Bombay won a victory that almost saved its original guarantee of immunity: those who were fired were to receive their salary (along with periodic step increases) until they reached retirement age, at which time they would receive a pension. However, this ‘solution’ did little to overcome the stigma and suffering of the fired officials.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 528-540
Author(s):  
Euclides Nenga Manuel Sacomboio

The global community is racing to slow down and eventually stop the spread of COVID-19, which is a pandemic that has killed thousands of lives and made tens of thousands sick. The new coronavirus has already reached Angola, with 25 confirmed cases, among them 2 died and 6 were cured. The government has decreed a state of emergency on 24 March 2020 for 15 days, which was extended twice for the same number of days that will make it possible to reduce clusters of people and keep them at home. This study reflected on the diverse ways of leadership. It is an article of theoretical, technical and scientific reflection, based on the experience of a new epidemiological situation, with a critical analysis based on technical, scientific and professional experience, with bibliographic input of data obtained from information published in scientific articles, newspapers, magazines and other official documents published in Angola and worldwide related to COVID-19. This article emerged from critical thinking based on the current situation of COVID-19 in Angola in the world and is reflected in this article, what Angola should learn and learned from the experience of other countries that also imported the disease, their history of investment in health, characteristics of their populations, their economies and other aspects.


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