Training and Educational Development for “Vetrepreneurs”

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denise M. Cumberland

The Problem Over the last decade, specialized training programs have emerged to assist veterans in launching their own businesses. An initial search for information on entrepreneurship training programs for veterans, however, reveals that there has been no systematic research undertaken to summarize programs available and no comparison of what these various training efforts include. In addition, there has been no examination of whether these programs provide the requisite skills to engage in venture creation, result in the launch of veteran start-ups, and improve the odds of long-term venture success. The lack of empirical studies reporting on the assessment of these programs makes it difficult to judge the relevancy of the curriculum in meeting the nascent veteran entrepreneurs’ needs. The Solution This article brings together a wide range of information on veteran entrepreneurial training programs offered by the government, academia, and nonprofits in the United States. Data were gathered through websites and other literatures. Concern about the lack of reported results of these programs is noted, and a framework is proposed for the systematic evaluation of learning outcomes that could be used across veteran entrepreneurial education programs. The Stakeholders The article is aimed at training development professionals, universities, policy makers, veterans, and human resource development (HRD) professionals.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bria Long ◽  
Patrick Wong ◽  
Michael C. Frank ◽  
Eva Lai ◽  
Peggy Chan ◽  
...  

Play is a universal behavior that is thought to be a critical way for children to learn a wide range of motor, social, and language skills. Empirical studies of play have borne out some of the predictions of classical theories, showing that children preferentially engage with surprising stimuli, will play in order to learn, and generally show a similar progression of increasingly-complex play behaviors through infancy. Past research has also characterized the types of support and guidance that parents offer during guided play with their child, as distinguished from individual free play. However, most of these studies come from Western nations, and relatively few cross-cultural comparisons have been made, despite observations of wide variability in cultural play traditions. The goal of this study is to examine the variability and consistency of play behaviors in a large sample of 1–2-year-old children—a critical period in the development of play behaviors—in two cultural contexts: the United States and Hong Kong. Our investigation covers both individual and guided play, with measures related to joint attention, stereotypical play behaviors, language use, and types of support offered by caregivers during guided play. This rich, annotated corpus of video and audio data also provides an important resource for research on early play.


2010 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
HSIN-HUANG MICHAEL HSIAO ◽  
PO-SAN WAN ◽  
TIMOTHY KA-YING WONG

AbstractGlobalization has led to a redefinition of the functions and roles of the state. Based on data drawn from a cross-national social survey, this article examines the influences of globalization on the public's attitudes towards their state in Australia, China, India, Japan, Russia, and the United States, by focusing on satisfaction with government performance and demands on the government. The six countries differ extensively in their sociopolitical and technological situations, as well as in the experiences of their people with globalization in terms of the following aspects: connectivity with the world through personal ties and digital means, English language capacity, and support for the forces of globalization. There are also huge disparities in the public rankings of government performance and demands for expanding government spending in a wide range of policy areas. Our analysis reveals that, although both intra- and inter-country variations in the influences of globalization on public attitudes towards the state are not particularly prominent, those who support globalization not only are more inclined than others to be satisfied with the government's performance, but also demand more government intervention.


2003 ◽  
Vol 5 (01) ◽  
pp. 65-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isaac Unah

Although the pluralist theory of politics predicts that the focus of organizational activity should shift to the judicial arena whenever the expectations of government as regulator and the demands of regulated interests fail to converge, there has been little systematic research focusing on the question of business litigation as a specific form of interest mobilization. This article develops an integrated organizational choice model of interest mobilization to explain corporate litigation against the United States government. I argue that a company's decision to proceed with litigation is predicated upon the company's (1) resource capacity, (2) constraints of the regulatory environment, and (3) perception of procedural unfairness of the government in the administrative process. The argument is tested with data from a survey of top U.S. business executives whose companies unsuccessfully petitioned the government for administered protection between 1990 and 1995. The argument receives strong empirical support, and suggests that U.S. corporations facing import competition consider litigation an important component of their overall political strategy for obtaining nonmarket benefits.


1991 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodor Meron

An “exclusive preserve” of a state in the UN Secretariat is a post that is continuously filled by nationals of the same state. Virtually from the founding of the United Nations, the Secretariat has observed an “unofficial” practice of exclusive preserves for many senior posts held by nationals of several influential states, including the United States; but its most persistent advocate, and with regard to a particularly wide range of posts, has been the Soviet Union. In view of the past underrepresentation of Soviet nationals in the Secretariat, largely because the Soviet Government insisted that its nationals be recruited only on fixed-term contracts based on secondment from the Government and Soviet institutions, a considerable number of posts were set aside to be filled on a replacement basis. The occupants of those posts were selected by the Secretary-General from a very short list of candidates submitted by the Soviet Government. The object of this Editorial is to assess the impact of the new Soviet policy toward the UN Secretariat, recent General Assembly resolutions and the jurisprudence of the United Nations Administrative Tribunal on the practice of exclusive preserves.


Author(s):  
William T. Vocke ◽  
Eric J. Miller ◽  
Candi Hudson ◽  
Scott Lundgren ◽  
Robyn N. Conmy ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT This paper describes the evolution of the Interagency Coordinating Committee on Oil Pollution Research (ICCOPR) Oil Pollution Research and Technology Plan (R&T Plan) to address changing oil pollution risks associated with advancements in the energy industry practices. The Oil Pollution Act of 1990 (OPA 90) Title VII required development of an R&T Plan to identify the resources needed for the government research programs. The 1992 R&T Plan and its 1997 revision marked a major advancement in how the United States (U.S.) planned its oil pollution research. The first two plans met the needs of their time but were outdated when the Deepwater Horizon oil spill in 2010 revealed a wide range of new research needed to address the risks associated with advancements in industry practices. ICCOPR responded to the new challenges by revising the Charter and establishing a six-year R&T Plan revision cycle. In September 2015, ICCOPR released the FY 2015–2021 R&T Plan, which established a new baseline plan for current and future planning. This paper describes the structured review process used to analyze more than 900 research needs identified since OPA 90 was enacted. The paper explains the new research classification process that established four Classes, 25 Standing Research Areas (SRAs), and 150 priority research needs in the R&T Plan. ICCOPR is working on the first revision in the new six-year planning cycle to cover the FY2022–2027 timeframe. The paper describes the factors being evaluated to update the list of priority needs. These factors include how well current priorities have been addressed and new or emerging oil pollution risks. An update on the status of addressing the priorities will be presented, including the number of SRAs addressed by ICCOPR agencies and others.


2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (5) ◽  
pp. 1193-1221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laron K. Williams

The popular notion of a trade-off between social and defense spending—or guns versus butter—appears often in elite discourse, popular media, and empirical studies of budgetary politics. Yet, there are good reasons to suspect that the public’s preferences for these types of spending do not reflect that trade-off. I develop a theory that whether social and defense spending preferences are competing or complementary depends on if the respondent views the government as an important contributor to job creation. Using data from fifty-nine surveys in twenty-seven countries from 1985 to 2008, I show that favoring government-financed job creation makes a respondent much more likely to view social and defense spending as complementary. Indeed, aside from the anomalous case of the United States, preferences are consistent with guns yield butter instead of guns versus butter. This theory has important implications for the thermostatic model of policy responsiveness and theories of budgetary politics.


Author(s):  
Steven K. Vogel

Modern-day markets do not arise spontaneously but are crafted by individuals, by firms, and most of all, by governments. Thus marketcraft represents a core function of government comparable to statecraft. This book begins with the recognition that there are no free markets and that all markets are crafted, and then systematically examines the implications for analysis and policy. Scholars and policymakers are often trapped by a false dichotomy of government versus market that impairs their ability to recognize the multidimensionality of market governance. They tend to view market reform as “deregulation,” for example, when it actually entails the construction of more rules, the adoption of new business practices, and the diffusion of market norms. Chapter 2 reviews the many elements of marketcraft, from corporate law to antitrust enforcement. Chapter 3 demonstrates how the United States, heralded as the “freest” of market economies, is actually the most heavily regulated. Chapter 4 shows how Japan’s effort to liberalize its economy actually required more regulation, not less. And Chapter 5 contends that even those scholars who focus on market institutions sometimes fail to appreciate the full ramifications of their own arguments. And it concludes with policy lessons for both progressives and market liberals. For progressives, the core lesson is that since markets are always governed, then the government can address a wide range of social goals by reforming that governance. For market liberals, the lesson is that if you appreciate the magic of markets, then you should want them to be governed well.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Gruber

The United States has seen a sea change in the way that publicly financed health insurance coverage is provided to low-income, elderly, and disabled enrollees. When programs such as Medicare and Medicaid were introduced in the 1960s, the government directly reimbursed medical providers for the care that they provided, through a classic “single payer system.” Since the mid-1980s, however, there has been an evolution towards a model where the government subsidizes enrollees who choose among privately provided insurance options. In the United States, privatized delivery of public health insurance appears to be here to stay, with debates now focused on how much to expand its reach. Yet such privatized delivery raises a variety of thorny issues. Will choice among private insurance options lead to adverse selection and market failures in privatized insurance markets? Can individuals choose appropriately over a wide range of expensive and confusing plan options? Will a privatized approach deliver the promised increases in delivery efficiency claimed by advocates? What policy mechanisms have been used, or might be used, to address these issues? A growing literature in health economics has begun to make headway on these questions. In this essay, I discuss that literature and the lessons for both economics more generally and health care policymakers more specifically.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter W Martin

The E-Government Act of 2002 directed the federal courts to provide access to all their written opinions, in text-searchable format, via a website. Ten years later the Judicial Conference of the United States approved national implementation of a comprehensive database of those opinions through a joint venture between the courts and the Government Publishing Office (GPO). Despite the promise implicit in these initiatives, public access to many thousands of federal district court decisions each year remains blocked. They are effectively hidden. Many court websites lack a clear link to opinions, only a bare majority of district courts transmit decisions to the GPO, and far too many courts and judges fail to take the steps necessary for opinion distribution beyond the parties. Using the large volume of district court Social Security litigation to measure and illustrate these failures, the article examines their dimensions, consequences, and causes. It concludes that the problem is a large one, that it poses a major challenge to those carrying out empirical studies and judicial analytics, and that the courts' radical decentralization combined with judicial autonomy will continue to frustrate goals of public access unless serious measures are taken at the national level. Finally, it argues that inclusion in the GPO database of federal judicial opinions should cease being optional.


Author(s):  
Vania Markarian

This chapter profiles the irruption and development of the 1968 student movement in Montevideo. It considers both politics in high schools (which were the first ones to mobilize around demands for cheaper transportation) and in the national university (where students initially asked for more government funding and then promoted radical changes to their institution and beyond). Through an almost day-by-day description of the movement, it shows the gradual taking of streets and remaking of the urban landscape as well as the innovative repertoires of contention within the mobilized groups. It situates the violent actions and rhetoric of students in relation to the increasing authoritarianism of the government, examining new police tactics and the influence of training programs conducted by the United States. The killing of three students by police forces, the first such incidents in Uruguayan history, are analyzed within this broader context.


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