Prospects for Third Party Electoral Success in a Polarized Era

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (6) ◽  
pp. 1324-1344
Author(s):  
Sean Goff ◽  
Daniel J. Lee

The trend of increasing major party polarization in the United States has raised concerns about the quality of representation and governance. One potential corrective is third parties, as they can hold the major parties accountable and instigate positive change. We, however, highlight limits to their influence. Two factors dampened the electoral support for third party candidates in the 2016 U.S. presidential election despite favorable conditions. First, the cost of third party voting is higher in the current polarized era, since casting a vote for a third party can lead to their less-favored major party candidate winning. Voters today have especially negative feelings toward their less-favored major party. Second, Trump co-opted voters distrustful of the government, which is a group that tends to support third parties. Our analysis of American National Election Studies (ANES) data from 1992 and 2016 shows support for both factors.

Tunas Agraria ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-75
Author(s):  
Dedy Setyo Irawan ◽  
Harvini Wulansari

Abstract: Complete Systematic Land Registration is a program which taken by the government in providing legal certainty in the field of land in Indonesia. PTSL activities at Sidoarjo Regency and Pasuruan Regency Land Office are carried out with third parties. Before starting the measurement, it is necessary to carry out the contradictoire delimitatie principle to ensure legal certainty of ownership of land rights. The research used a qualitative method with a descriptive approach. The data analysis carried out by compiling logically proportional statements to answer research questions. Problem analysis is carried out by making a description based on premier data and secondary data obtained through interviews and observations of implementation. The results of the research showed that the implementation of the contradictoire delimitatie principle is broadly following PP. No. 24 of 1997 and PMNA KaBPN No. 3 of 1997. The results of the study also showed that there were obstacles in the implementation of the contradictoire delimitatie principle, such as the third parties were not following technical guidelines No. 01 / JUKNIS-300/1/2018 annex 10 in the making of measurement drawings. Quality control is needed to improve the quality of work and results of third party products and minimize land problems in the future.Keywords: principle of contradictoire delimitation, third party. Intisari : Pendaftaran Tanah Sistematis Lengkap (PTSL) merupakan langkah pemerintah dalam memberikan jaminan kepastian hukum dalam bidang pertanahan di Indonesia. Kegiatan PTSL di Kantor Pertanahan Kabupaten Sidoarjo dan Kabupaten Pasuruan dilaksanakan bekerjasama dengan Pihak Ketiga yang sebelumnya melalui tahapan asas contradictoire delimitatie untuk menjamin kepastian hukum kepemilikan hak atas tanah. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif. Teknik analisa yang dilakukan yaitu dengan menyusun pernyataan-pernyataan proposional secara logis untuk menjawab pertanyaan penelitian. Analisa permasalahan dilakukan dengan membuat uraian berdasarkan data premier dan data sekunder yang diperoleh melalui wawancara serta observasi langsung terhadap pelaksanaan kegiatan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pelaksanaan asas contradictoire delimitatie secara garis besar telah sesuai dengan PP. No. 24 Tahun 1997 dan PMNA KaBPN No. 3 Tahun 1997. Dalam pelaksanaanya terdapat hambatan yakni  pembuatan Gambar Ukur oleh Pihak Ketiga tidak sesuai dengan pedoman JUKNIS No. 01/JUKNIS-300/1/2018 lampiran 10. Sehingga diperlukan pengawasan kendali mutu terkait pekerjaan dan hasil produk dari Pihak Ketiga agar kedepannya hasil pekerjaan yang dihasilkan lebih baik dan tidak menjadi permasalahan pertanahan dikemudian hari.Kata Kunci : asas contradictoire delimitatie, pihak ketiga.


Author(s):  
Ilias Bantekas

The rule in the ICC Statute whereby a third party national may be validly surrendered to the jurisdiction of the Court by a member state offends a most fundamental rule of international law, which is moreover of a customary nature. In addition, it causes more conflicts as compared to its purported benefits, given that it constitutes a major stumbling block for the United States and has upset the U.N.'s peacekeeping missions. The rule should therefore be abandoned in order to alleviate these concerns.


1999 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc J. Hetherington

Scholars have consistently demonstrated that no link exists between declining political trust and declining turnout, but they have paid less attention to the effect of trust on vote choice. In an era characterized by declining trust, the incumbent party has lost, and third parties have strongly contested, four of the last eight presidential elections. Such outcomes are historically anomalous. This study demonstrates that declining political trust affects vote choice, but the electoral beneficiary differs according to electoral context. In two-candidate races, politically distrustful voters support candidates from the nonincumbent major party. In races with three viable candidates, third-party alternatives benefit from declining political trust at the expense of both major parties.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 245
Author(s):  
Suprayitno Suprayitno ◽  
Riamona Sadelman Tulis ◽  
Ira Zuraida

This article aimed to analyze and identify the strategies of Central Kalimantan Provincial Government as an effort to increase Regional revenue (Pendapatan Asli Daerah - PAD) through third-party grants or donations. One of the efforts made by the Central Kalimantan Provincial Government in increasing regional revenue (PAD) is through the issuance of Governor Regulation No. 16/2018 on Guidelines for the Acceptance and Management of Grants or Donations from Third Parties to the Central Kalimantan Provincial Government. The data showed that the governor’s regulation had shown positive results relating to the efforts to increase the Regional revenue in Central Kalimantan Province. Local Revenue Offices of Central Kalimantan as the leading sector to implement the regulation has made several strategic efforts including sharing/spreading the information to 3 P i.e., investors, monitoring and controlling. The purposes of the governor’s regulation No. 16/2018 to provide legal protection to guarantee the participation of third parties in Central Kalimantan development, provide legal certainty in the management and acceptance of third-party grants or donations, and create an orderly administration, transparency and accountability in acceptance the grants or third-party donations to the government of Central Kalimantan Province. The collaboration cooperation between Central Kalimantan Provincial Government and the private sector to increase Regional revenue (PAD) needs to have support from all parties.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 581-594 ◽  
Author(s):  
Éric Bélanger

Abstract. This study proposes a new test of Maurice Pinard's theory on the rise of third parties applied to the case of the 1993 Canadian federal election. We assess the effect at the individual level of Pinard's factors (one-party dominance and grievances) on support for the Reform party and the Bloc Québécois using data from the Canadian Election Study. Logistic regression analyses of vote choice indicate that the extent to which the second major party was perceived to be electorally weak at the constituency level was a significant factor in leading some Western voters to support Reform. In Quebec, however, perceptions of predominance did not matter to a vote for the Bloc because the latter is a “radical” third party attracting support mostly on the basis of communal values and interests. The results further show that political grievances, but not economic ones, were a significant predictor of support for both third parties in that election.Résumé. Cette étude propose un nouveau test empirique de la théorie de Maurice Pinard concernant la percée électorale des tiers partis. L'impact des facteurs de Pinard (prédominance d'un parti et présence de griefs) sur l'appui au Parti réformiste et au Bloc québécois à l'élection fédérale canadienne de 1993 est vérifié au niveau micro-sociologique à l'aide des données de l'Étude sur l'élection canadienne. Les analyses de régression logistique du vote indiquent que la perception que certains électeurs de l'Ouest avaient de la faible compétitivité du second parti traditionnel dans leur circonscription les a encouragés à appuyer le Parti réformiste. Au Québec, les perceptions de prédominance n'ont cependant pas eu d'effet significatif sur le vote en faveur du Bloc en raison du fait que ce dernier est un tiers parti “ radical ” dont l'appui repose principalement sur des valeurs et des intérêts de groupe. Les résultats indiquent enfin que, contrairement aux griefs de nature économique, les griefs politiques régionaux ont significativement contribué au succès électoral des deux partis.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Juliane Buchinski

<p>In recent decades, intellectual property law (in particular patent law) has had to face new challenges due to the accelerating development of technology. Patents can have a negative effect on a country's economy if too many invalid or overly broad patents are granted. Such patents have the potential to impose high costs on society without providing substantial benefits. If a patent regime cannot avoid the grant of such patents, or does not provide instruments to remove them from the register, the negative effect may stifle innovation instead of encouraging it. In 2008, in consideration of these problems, the government of New Zealand introduced a Patents Bill. This Bill is the culmination of the government's review process, which started in the late 1980s. The aim of the Bill is to update New Zealand's patent law in order to bring it in line with international practise and to reduce the costs to society arising from invalid and overly broad patents. The provisions of the Bill cover all principal aspects of the patent regime: standards of examination and procedures, challenges on the grant of a patent, and provisions for updating the regulatory regime for patent attorneys. This dissertation focuses on analysing how the quality of New Zealand's patents could be enhanced using the knowledge and experience of third parties. Because the current examination standards may allow the grant of overly broad patents, this dissertation analyses specifically which changes in the examination procedure could help prevent the grant of "bad" patents without overburdening the resources of the IPONZ. In the next step, the dissertation analyses third-party instruments under the current patent system and under the Patents Bill 2008, proving that neither approach by itself would be sufficient to bring about an effective patent reviewing system for New Zealand. The approach under the current system is too expensive and has the potential to delay the granting procedure, whereas the approach proposed by the Patents Bill 2008 limits the influence of third parties before the grant of a patent to such an extent that most patents may remain in the register. The overall aim of this dissertation is to suggest a new approach that includes aspects of both of the others in order to find a balanced solution and an optimal fit for the specific needs of New Zealand.</p>


2008 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 657-675 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOSEPHINE T. ANDREWS ◽  
ROBERT W JACKMAN

The premise that parties are fundamentally motivated by office-seeking is common, but surprisingly little attention has been paid to its empirical validity. We approach this issue by analysing how parties respond to their electoral performance. Casting party leaders as the embodiment of their parties, we then examine the degree to which the length of time party leaders retain their position hinges on their party's electoral success, defined with reference both to the party's share of legislative seats and to its presence or absence in government. Our analyses centre on six parliamentary democracies in which the government is always formed by one of the two major parties either alone or in coalition with a minor party (Australia, Britain, Canada, Germany, Ireland and New Zealand) in the years from 1945 through 2000. Results indicate that party leaders' risk of removal hinges substantially on their party's seat share and/or their party's presence in government. More specifically, we find that as the seat share of both major and minor parties increases, the chance that the party leader will be removed decreases. Likewise, if a major party loses its role in government, the chance that the party leader will be removed increases dramatically. Although presence in government has no significant impact on the tenure in office of party leaders of minor parties, the magnitude of the effect is indistinguishable from that for major parties. Beyond providing strong evidence that parties are at their core motivated by electoral performance, we also estimate the magnitude of the electoral imperative, at least as it pertains to party leaders.


2000 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Tushnet

Drawing on themes important in moral and political philosophy, much of the scholarship on the constitutional law of privacy in the United States distinguishes between privacy understood as a person's control over information and privacy understood as a person's ability to make autonomous decisions. For example, Katz v. United States (1967) established the framework for analyzing whether police activity constituted a “search” subject to the Fourth Amendment's requirement that the police either obtain a warrant before conducting a search or otherwise act reasonably. The defendant was a professional gambler who knew enough about police techniques to use a public telephone to make his business calls. Police agents attached a listening device to the outside of the phone booth, and sought to use the recordings against the defendant. The Supreme Court agreed with the defendant that the Fourth Amendment had been violated. Justice John Marshall Harlan's influential concurring opinion asserted that a person's privacy, in the sense of control over information, depended on two factors: “that a person have exhibited an actual (subjective) expectation of privacy and, second, that the expectation be one that society is prepared to recognize as ‘reasonable.’” Fourth Amendment cases like Katz involve informational control; they define the circumstances under which the government may acquire information from or about a person without first obtaining the person's agreement. In contrast, cases like Griswold v. Connecticut (1965), which barred the state from making it a criminal offense to use contraceptives, and Roe v. Wade (1973), which restricted the state's power to prohibit or regulate abortions, used the language of privacy rights to protect a much broader interest in autonomous decision-making. Seeing these cases and related ones through lenseees provided by moral and political philosophy, scholars have attempted to describe what a morally sound constitutional law of privacy would be, and the broadest sense, dworkinian. That is, they seek to provide an account of privacy with two characteristics: it is broadly consistent with the relevant constitutional decisions, and it is the most morally attractive account possible that satisfies the requirement of consistency with the decisions.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-134
Author(s):  
Sri Rahmadani

The Third parties in the resolution of conflictwas expected to change the behavior of the parties in conflict, even pushed the parties toward an agreement to end the conflict. NGO as the third party is seen independent and can be fair in the resolution of conflict, can do some attempts to encourage the parties in conflict toward an agreement.One example of conflict involving NGO in an effort to resolve the boundary conflicts between Nagari Sumpur and Nagari Bungo Tanjuang, regency of Tanah Datar. Assignment NGO as mediator in resolution of conflict after several attempts taken by the government. This article explained the various efforts and achievement has done by NGO as mediator resolution of conflict both nagari until the formation of representative group become key success in mediation. In addition in this article is also explained the reason NGO that has not been able to achieve an aggrement in resolution of conflict both nagari.Pihak ketiga dalam resolusi konflik diharapkan dapat merubah perilaku para pihak yang berkonflik, bahkan mendorong para pihak menuju kesepakatan untuk mengakhiri konflik. LSM sebagai pihak ketiga dipandang independen dan dapat bersikap adil dalam resolusi konflik, dapat melakukan beberapa upaya untuk mendorong pihak yang berkonflik menuju kesepakatan. Salah satu contoh konflik yang melibatkan LSM dalam penyelesaiannya adalah konflik tapal batas antara Nagari Sumpur dengan Nagari Bungo Tanjuang, Kabupaten Tanah Datar. Penunjukan LSM sebagai mediator dalam penyelesaian konflik setelah beberapa upaya yang ditempuh oleh beberapa pihak dari pemerintahan. Tulisan ini memaparkan berbagai upaya dan pencapaian yang telah dilakukan LSM sebagai mediator penyelesaian konflik kedua nagari hingga terbentuknya perwakilan kelompok yang menjadi kunci keberhasilan dalam mediasi. Selain itu dalam tulisan ini juga memaparkan alasan LSM yang belum mampu mencapai kesepakatan dalam penyelesaian konflik kedua nagari.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yosua Praditya Suratman

<p><strong>Abstract</strong> – The conventional threats now have been shifted into unconventional threats which is now considered as one of the biggest threats for Indonesia. Proxy war is an unconventional threat and it is happening now in Indonesia through internal conflicts. The number of internal conflicts, whether vertical and horizontal, have increased significantly since the Reformation era started, and it is believed there is a third party who has a role on that. Many countries prefer proxy war due to its efficiency reasons and it creates a great result of destruction. It is not easy for the government to forecast whether the conflicts are naturally emerged or designed by third parties. Security apparatus, therefore, must design a conflict mapping in every non-military sector. The mapping will lead us in exploring all parties who have a connection to conflicts. It must be realized that internal conflicts are influenced by many factors such as ideology, politics, economics, and social, which later will continue to proxy war threats. Proxy war, therefore, will always be chosen due to its efficiency because they will not use their own resources. The strategic position of Indonesia makes Indonesia to become an object of proxy war.</p><p><br /><strong>Keywords</strong> : Proxy war, internal conflict, security</p>


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