scholarly journals Party Identification in an Encapsulated Party System: The Case of Postauthoritarian Chile

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matías A. Bargsted ◽  
Luis Maldonado

Since the return of democracy, party identification has been declining sharply among the Chilean public. We seek to understand this process by applying an age-period-cohort analysis to survey data from 1994 to 2014. In light of the elite-driven and socially uprooted character, or what we call the encapsulated nature, of the Chilean party system, we hypothesize that cumulative electoral experience has had a negative effect on party identification and not the positive effect that Converse's (1969) social-learning model would predict. Our findings support these expectations but also reveal large period effects that have shrunk the overall level of partisan identification and significant cohort effects whereby generations born after the 1950s have become less partisan. We also uncover important nuances that occur across the various mainstream political parties. We conclude that all three sources of social change are leading toward the extinction of mass partisanship from Chilean society.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Rou-lan Chen

Abstract This article builds on the theoretical debate over age, period, and cohort effects (APC) and explores how these factors might affect Taiwan's partisan stability. We conducted a two-level multinomial logit random effects model using survey data from 1991 to 2020 to disentangle the APC effects. Our findings challenge Converse's core assumption that partisanship strengthens with age. As a new democracy, Taiwan's party affiliations remain fluid, and we do find evidence of period effects, particularly associated with cross-Strait crises that favor the DPP. However, generational replacement is the most significant factor driving party identity changes in Taiwan. With generational replacement, the Kuomintang is burdened by the image of a century-old party. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) had previously fared better among young cohorts but has recently lost its support from millennials. The youngest generation increasingly refuses to associate with the traditional political parties. It seems reasonable to expect that the new generational forces will restructure the Blue–Green cleavage and expand the ideological diversity of Taiwan's party system.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nam-Hee Kim ◽  
Ichiro Kawachi

AbstractThere have been marked improvements in oral health in Korea during the past 10 years, including chewing ability. We sought to disentangle age, period, and cohort effects in chewing ability between 2007 and 2018. We analyzed data from the Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey. The main variable was chewing difficulty, which was assessed among participants aged 20 years and older. APC analysis revealed three trends in chewing difficulty: (1) there was an increase in chewing difficulty starting at around 60 years of age (age effect), (2) there was a steady decrease in chewing difficulty during the observation period (period effect), and (3) chewing ability improved with each successive generation born after 1951 (cohort effect). Regarding recent improvements in chewing ability, cohort effects were somewhat more important than period effects.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-45
Author(s):  
Mieke Van Haegendoren

The major changes in the Belgian partysystem occurred within the context of the rise of the welfare state. Most welfare provisions were subcontracted to the different «zuil» organisations, with their political parties functioning as masterorganisation.The contrasts between «catholic» Flanders and «red» Wallonia dominated the political  agenda, and led up to the fractionalisation of the party-system. The political positions of the parties remained unchanged : ascendancy of the catholics, challenged by the socialists, with the liberals holding the balance, and communists and «federalist» parties beingback in opposition after a short period of governmental participation.Although party identification has shifted from ideological towards clientelist motives, the party preference of the electorate did not alter. The functions of parties did change : the power of mandatories decreased and parties increasingly control and even formulate public policy.Television has personalized political propaganda, which is, in between elections, professionally made by highly subsidized cultural masterorganisations.  The costs of electoral propaganda, nowadays runned by commercial - advertising bureaus, have increased substantially. All this led to the decline of the propaganda by volunteers.


1976 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 469-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Abramson

A large and growing proportion of Americans claims to be neither Republican nor Democratic, and partisan independence is most wide-spread among young adults. A time-series cohort analysis of eleven surveys conducted by the Survey Research Center of the University of Michigan between 1952 and 1974 strongly suggests that the low level of partisan identification among young adults results largely from fundamental differences between their socialization and that of their elders. The overall decline in party identification results largely from generational change. High levels of partisan identification persist among persons who entered the electorate before World War II, but among those who entered the electorate more recently levels of identification are low. The analysis strongly suggests that overall levels of party identification will continue to decline, and permits examination of one process by which party loyalties among mass electorates gradually are transformed.


1989 ◽  
Vol 68 (12) ◽  
pp. 1777-1780 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.E. Frencken ◽  
M.A. Van't Hof ◽  
G.-J. Truin ◽  
B.S. Lembariti ◽  
K.G. König

In 1984, a four-year mixed-longitudinal study of oral health was begun in Morogoro Town and Morogoro District, Tanzania. Its main goal was to detect a possible upward trend in prevalence of caries in child cohorts in this developing country. The sample consisted of 722 seven-to nine-year-olds in 1984, 833 seven- to 11-year-olds in 1986, and 989 seven- to 13-year-olds in 1988. Mixed-longitudinal studies provide the opportunity for application of the Age-Period-Cohort analysis. On the basis of external information, either age and/or cohort and/or period effects can thus be isolated. Apart from significant age and period effects, a cohort effect was found, indicating that the prevalence of caries has decreased in these child populations between 1984 and 1988.


1975 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-145
Author(s):  
Henry J. Jacek

I should like to comment on the fine article, “Party Loyalty and Electoral Volatility: A Study of the Canadian Party System,” by Paul M. Sniderman, H.D. Forbes, and Ian Melzer in the June 1974 (vii, no. 2) issue of this journal. This article should be a major corrective in the study of Canadian political parties. In addition, the authors provide a number of useful insights which should fruitfully guide future research on parties.In the beginning of their article they point out that there is a “consensus among students of Canadian politics on the functions of parties and the nature of voting in Canada,” which consensus they call “the textbook theory of party politics.” Among the elements of this theory, according to the authors, is the interpretation that both major, old-line Canadian parties, the Liberals and Progressive Conservatives, are brokerage parties, and are, therefore, indistinguishable. Although the authors present evidence that calls into serious question other aspects of the “textbook theory,” such as the supposed lack of validity of the concept of party identification in Canada and the purported high level of electoral volatility of the Canadian voter compared to the British and American voter, the authors at the end of their article still accept important elements of the “textbook theory.” Thus, on page 286 they incorporate into their conclusion the idea that “it is surely true… that the major parties advance very similar platforms and share the same overall economic ideology.”


Politologija ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 91 (3) ◽  
pp. 166-198
Author(s):  
Oksana Balashova ◽  
Tetiana Sydoruk

[full article, abstract in English] The process of state financing of the political parties in Poland and Ukraine has been analyzed in this article. The authors have studied and compared the theoretical foundations of the Polish and Ukrainian legislation in the sphere of state financing of the functioning of the political parties. By comparing the experience of state financing of political parties in Poland and Ukraine, the authors have distinguished a number of direct and indirect positive consequences in the party system of Poland. It has been determined that in Ukraine, in turn, considering the lack of legal and public sources for financing political parties, political and economic spheres are closely interdependent, which significantly impedes the qualitative consolidation of the party system in general. The authors have concluded that the positive effect of state financing of political parties is primarily reflected in an increase in the level of openness in how the political parties function, the transparency of the parties’ financial activities, the independence of the party system and the political transparency of civil society.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-79
Author(s):  
J. David Schmitz ◽  
Gregg R. Murray

Partisan identification is a fundamental force in individual and mass political behavior around the world. Informed by scholarship on human sociality, coalitional psychology, and group behavior, this research argues that partisan identification, like many other group-based behaviors, is influenced by forces of evolution. If correct, then party identifiers should exhibit adaptive behaviors when making group-related political decisions. The authors test this assertion with citizen assessments of the relative physical formidability of competing leaders, an important adaptive factor in leader evaluations. Using original and novel data collected during the contextually different 2008 and 2012 U.S. presidential elections, as well as two distinct measures obtained during both elections, this article presents evidence that partisans overestimate the physical stature of the presidential candidate of their own party compared with the stature of the candidate of the opposition party. These findings suggest that the power of party identification on political behavior may be attributable to the fact that modern political parties address problems similar to the problems groups faced in human ancestral times.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt A. Barreto ◽  
Dino N. Bozonelos

AbstractThe role of religiosity as an important predictor of partisan identification has been well researched over the years, with most of our understanding of religion focused on Christianity. However, it is not clear that religiosity operates equally for the partisan identification of non-Christian religious groups. One of the most discussed religious minority groups in the United States today is Muslim-Americans. Numbering between 2.3 million and 7 million, Muslim-Americans have been the focus of considerable debate regarding religion and American political inclusion. We argue that religiosity does influence Muslim-American party identification, however not in the same manner as with other groups. While the two major political parties encourage religiosity among Protestants, Jews, and Catholics, they are either silent or opposed to religiosity among Muslims within their parties. Thus, religiosity among Muslim-Americans may not necessarily lead to partisan identification with either Republicans or Democrats. Rather, high levels of religiosity, coupled with perceptions of discrimination against Muslims, may lead many to oppose both major political parties and instead identify with “none of the above.” This is not to say that Muslim-Americans reject civic engagement or political participation in the United States, but rather the two political parties have not carved out a space to welcome Islam, as they have for Christianity and Judaism. We examine new data from the 2007 Muslim-American Public Opinion Survey to assess the predictors of partisan identification among Muslims in the United States.


The Forum ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
M.V. Hood

AbstractThe purpose of this essay is to provide a contemporary examination of the political party system in the Southern US. In doing so, an assessment is undertaken to determine which cleavage line – race, class, or religion – does the best job of explaining the division between Republicans and Democrats in the region. Using survey research data from the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study three multivariate models are employed to study partisan affiliation, presidential voting, and voting in US Senate elections. The results indicate that race, especially the Black-White dichotomy, is the largest dividing line between the Republican and Democratic Parties in the region. In fact, in terms of party identification race dwarfs the effects of religion and class. As related to presidential and Senate voting behavior race continues to exert a significant influence, even after controlling for partisan identification. Conversely, class and religion produced minimal or no effects in models of vote choice. In conclusion, it would appear that the contemporary Southern political landscape, like its predecessor, continues to be defined by racial divisions.


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