scholarly journals The US hegemony, East Asia and global governance

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Min-Hua Chiang
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
World Order ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
American Hegemony ◽  
Us Hegemony ◽  
Rising China ◽  
Zero Sum

This article studies the US hegemony with particular focus on its dominant role in East Asia and compares conventional thoughts with different views provided by the two books reviewed. Reich and Lebow considered that American hegemony has started to erode when other nations regained their economic strength and political stability during the postwar decades. Acharya’s main argument is focusing on the decline of the American world order, rather than the decline of the US. Authors from the two books jumped out from the conventional zero-sum game between the rising China and the declining US power and consider other regional players in constructing the world order. However, this article argued that if China was not able to challenge the US power presence, there is no reason to assume the IS power decline. The establishment of the institutionalized network with involvement of several countries would only to strengthen the US dominance, rather than to weaken it.

scholarly journals Ultraimperialismus oder interimperialistische Konkurrenz?

2015 ◽  
Vol 45 (181) ◽  
Author(s):  
David Salomon
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
World Order ◽  
Michael Walzer ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
New Imperialism

During the last decade of the twentieth century, the concept of “imperialism” was not used very much by social scientists. But after 9/11, the concept started a new career. Not only left-wing theorists, but also members of the establishment like Michael Walzer and Michael Ingnatieff used the term to describe the foreign policy of the US under George W. Bush. Marxists like Leo Panitch, Sam Gindin and David Harvey argued that within the “New Imperialism” the ultra-imperialistic cooperation between the US and Europe plays a dominant role for the world order. A decade later, the rivalry between the big empires has aquired new importance.

The World of Uncertainty: Is America Losing Its Leverage Towards a Looming New China–Russia Alliance?

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
pp. 92-106
Author(s):  
Vitaly KOZYREV
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
21St Century ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Window Of Opportunity ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Alliance Building

The recent deterioration of US–China and US–Russia relations has stumbled the formation of a better world order in the 21st century. Washington’s concerns of the “great power realignment”, as well as its Manichean battle against China’s and Russia’s “illiberal regimes” have resulted in the activated alliance-building efforts between Beijing and Moscow, prompting the Biden administration to consider some wedging strategies. Despite their coordinated preparation to deter the US power, the Chinese and Russian leaderships seek to avert a conflict with Washington by diplomatic means, and the characteristic of their partnership is still leaving a “window of opportunity” for the United States to lever against the establishment of a formal Sino–Russian alliance.

scholarly journals World’s Economy and Future Post-Covid-19: A Case Study China Will Impose New World Order

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-34
Author(s):  
Akhtar Gul ◽  
Tanbila Ghafoor ◽  
Fatima Zahra
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
New World ◽  
Labor Demand ◽  
World Order ◽  
New World Order ◽  
New Wars ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
World Economic ◽  
Tourism Economy

The aim of this paper describes world’s future post-COVID-19. Coronavirus resemble pandemics exist in centuries. Exactly, one century ago influenza flu affected the world economy and social order. About millions of people died caused by pandemics along with weak and collapsed economies. The pandemic entirely affected every sphere of life, including, Labor demand and supply, tourism, economy, politics, and nature of the world.  There are two possible scenarios of the world post-Covid-19. First one world will enter new wars, hunger, and world order and so on. Second one, whole states collectively tackle this pandemic. Firstly, Economic and military strength determine the political power of a state. The US has been facing severe and critical crises since 2016. Thus, the US will not maintain power more and more. USA’s One Step Back Policy will collapse USA power and Trump loses the election, and new president will impose new wars on Asian land. European Union will disintegrate due to race of power among the powers along with world face. Secondly, China will impose a new world order after COVID-19. Because China policies totally different from previous superpowers. During supremacy, the Great Britain and USA were adopted aggressive political and military policies. In Contrast, China adopted an economic policy which is beneficial for every society. China started to lead the world economically and politically. So, this gap will create a new war in Asia and globally. China Economic Network policy (BRI) would cover world in 2040 years. Thirdly, world economies will face severe economic conditions like 1923, 1929 and 2008. The current recession and political scenarios are knocking a depression on world economic door. Fourthly, emerging economy India will not cover economic power till 2025. Maybe India never achieves economic prosperity due to Jingoistic approach.  In this paper, we predicate world’s economic and politics shape post-covid-19. The virus is changed every sphere and every field of life. ? We used NiGEM model. It’s just predication, will what occur in future. About 3% Gross Domestic Product, 10% consumption, 18% manufacturing and 13% to 32% trade declined due to current pandemics. Universal recession also take place. Now, how the world’s powerful state will push the world into new wars. Which one imposed new world order post-covid-19? Does a new Great Depression knock world door

Coda

2021 ◽  
pp. 226-232
Author(s):  
Ashley L. Cohen
Keyword(s):  
Postcolonial Studies ◽  
World Order ◽  
Global Space ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Transcontinental Railroad

This coda studies the Indies mentality's demise. When the organization of global space shifted once more under the leadership of a new geopolitical world order, the two Indies ceased to be a compelling framework for organizing knowledge of the world. The chapter locates the swansong of the Indies mentality in the 1870s, the onset of the US systemic cycle. To be sure, the Indies mentality was residual by this time; but it was also still powerful. American desires for geopolitical dominance took shape during Britain's systemic cycle, and they bear the cultural imprint of British hegemony. One of the events that sealed the United States's rise to hegemonic status was the completion of the first transcontinental railroad to the Pacific, which was widely hailed as an American “Passage to India.” The chapter then makes the case for the portability of this book's method, especially in the context of postcolonial studies, where it can be used to reconstruct and reinhabit non-European epistemologies.

Akkumulationszyklen und Hegemonie

2011 ◽  
Vol 55 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christof Parnreiter
Keyword(s):  
World Economy ◽  
Critical Discussion ◽  
Commodity Chains ◽  
Unit Of Analysis ◽  
Global Commodity Chains ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Us Hegemony ◽  
National Economies ◽  
Primary Unit

Cycles of accumulation and hegemony. A critical discussion of Giovanni Arrighi’s arguments on the relocation of centre and periphery of the world economy. Based on data on GDP and on stock market capitalization, the paper takes issue with Giovanni Arrighi’s notion of the “terminal crisis” of the US hegemony and the related relocation of the center of the world economy to China. While some indicators support Arrighi’s argument (e.g. the shift of the accumulation dynamic from the material to the financial sphere), others don’t. My analysis in this paper does not yield unambiguous results. Moreover, I question Arrighi’s primary unit of analysis, national economies, maintaining that such a focus downplays the recent fundamental changes in the organization of the world economy. I propose a less state-centric approach to identify centres of the world economy, which is derived from an integration of the concepts of global commodity chains and global cities.

Japan in 2016: Domestic Political Stability, Greater External Uncertainty

2017 ◽  
Vol 09 (01) ◽  
pp. 78-86
Author(s):  
Peng Er LAM
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Normal State ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The United States ◽  
Power Transition ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Rising China ◽  
Post War

Prime Minister Abe Shinzo and his allies have unprecedentedly secured a twothirds majority in both houses of parliament, which allows Abe to revise the country’s post-war pacifist constitution and paves the way for Japan to become a “normal” state playing a larger security role in international affairs. Donald Trump’s surprise presidential victory caused great uncertainty in Japan about its alliance with the United States in the midst of a rising China and power transition in East Asia.

scholarly journals Century of the Communist Party of China and the perspective of socialism with a Chinese specificity

2021 ◽  
pp. 39-49
Author(s):  
Ivan I. Antonovich
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
Social Progress ◽  
Progressive Development ◽  
Chinese Characteristics ◽  
The Us ◽  
Chinese Perspective ◽  
The World ◽  
Social Wealth ◽  
Goals And Objectives

The article analyses the main directions and paths of Chinese modernisation, the features of the US’ opposition to it, it is concluded that the success of socialism with Chinese characteristics creates a new world situation in which new socio-economic civilisational foundations can create a society of socialist orientation. It is noted that Deng Xiaoping, without holding any government posts, being only the chairman of the CPC Central Committee’s Defense Committee, led the process of Chinese modernisation, which brought China to the forefront of scientific, technological and social progress in the world. The author argues that the basis of Chinese success is the Leninist formula of the NEP – the use of private entrepreneurship under the control of a socialist state in order to develop at an accelerated rate of social wealth in the amount necessary to meet the basic life needs of its citizens. The path of China was fraught with many unsuccessful and tragic experiments, therefore the current socio-economic leap forward in civilisation is an unprecedented event in world history. The implementation of goals and objectives of such a global scale will make serious changes in the world order, and require a new political philosophy. The success of socialism with Chinese characteristics within the country, as well as in programs to support the progressive development of countries and peoples of the world ready for cooperation, allows us to give a cautious optimistic assessment of the future Chinese perspective. And this, according to the author, is today a clear threat to the tasks and goals of American domination in the world.

scholarly journals Maximum Pressure, Minimum Deal: President Trump’s Trade War with a Rising China*

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 94-99
Author(s):  
Holger Janusch ◽  
Daniel Lorberg
Keyword(s):  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
Trade Deficit ◽  
Maximum Pressure ◽  
Trade Relation ◽  
Structural Problems ◽  
The Us ◽  
Rising China ◽  
Trade War ◽  
Zero Sum ◽  
Hegemonic Stability

In the context of the American decline, President Trump’s trade war toward a rising China fits into the pattern of a declining hegemon, as predicted by hegemonic stability theory. Trump’s trade policy is driven by his view of trade as a zero-sum game, his fixation on the trade deficit, and his “maximum pressure” negotiation approach. The result - the “phase one” deal - seems to be a trade ceasefire rather than a lasting trade peace between the declining hegemon and its ascending challenger because it stands on a shaky foundation. This “phase one” deal does not address the structural problems in the US-Sino trade relation. Moreover, its goals are unrealistic, and it is built upon a dispute settlement that favors deal determination over rule-based conflict resolution.

scholarly journals The Philippine-US Relations: Living or Leaving the Bandung Spirit?

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Anna Rhodora Solar ◽  
John Matthew Poblete
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Clear Understanding ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Independent State ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Colonial Master

The Philippines had its own share of colonial past. Just as other Asian and African countries which were under the Western colonizers, the Philippines partook of the momentous event that proposed an alternative to the world order dominated by superpowers—the Bandung Conference. The principles collectively known as Bandung Spirit were embraced by the Philippines and had a clear understanding of its symbolic significance. Yet such understanding of these principles was coupled with compromises on the Philippines relations with the United States. Over the decades, the Philippines had to do a balancing act between its being sovereign, independent state and its recognition of the relevance of its past colonial master—the US. Hence, this raises the question of whether the Philippines is living or leaving the Bandung Spirit. Specifically, this paper assesses whether the Philippines still upholds the same Bandung Spirit in its traditional form or has it given a contemporary understanding of it. The paper argues that the Philippine-US relations remain to be an evident display of US presence in Southeast Asia albeit redefined to blend with the Bandung Spirit.

scholarly journals Towards a Neo-bipolar Model of the World Order: Scouting Game in Africa

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 6-29
Author(s):  
L. L. Fituni
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World Economy ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
New World Order ◽  
Global Order ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
General Movement

The article lays out a hypothesis that the global order slides into a new bipolarity in the context of the escalating geo-economic and geopolitical confrontation between the two poles that currently dominate the world - the United States and China. The neo-bipolar construction cannot yet be regarded as an established new world order, but the general movement of the world economy and international relations in this direction is obvious. The neo-bipolar bipolar confrontation manifest itself with varying intensity in different regions of the world. The author argues that at present the peripheral regions which are strategically important for the prospects of competition are becoming an important testing ground for relatively “safe” elaboration of methods and tactics of geo-economic rivalry and h mutual exchange of systemic attacks. Today, Africa has become practically the leading theater of the new bipolar confrontation. The article analyzes the economic, military and strategic aspects of the rivalry between the United States and China on the African continent. It provides a comparative analysis of the new African strategies of the two superpowers adopted at the end of 2018. The author asserts that in the context of the emerging global bipolarity, the strategies of the USA and China represent antagonistic programs based on fundamentally different initial messages. In the case of the US strategy, this is to deter by denial the spread of the competitor’s influence using tough policies, including forceful (while not necessarily military) confrontational actions. While China seeks to neutralize the opposition of the United States and its allies to Beijing’s expansion on the continent and to win the freedom of interaction with any partners in Africa causing minimal direct confrontation possible. Therefore, despite the seemingly “peripheral” importance of the confrontation on the continent, for the establishment of a neo-bipolar world order, the proclamation of the new US regional geopolitical strategy, which focuses on the containment of China in the name of protecting democracy and independence, can serve not only for Africa, but for the whole planet the same milestone signal as Churchill’s Fulton speech for the final advent of bipolarity in the postwar world.

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