When State Policy Makes National Politics: The Case of “Obamacare” Marketplace Implementation

2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Trachtman
Keyword(s):  
Affordable Care Act ◽  
National Level ◽  
State Level ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Federal Law ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Probability Models ◽  
Direct Benefits ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Linear Probability

Abstract Context: State governments have been powerful sites of Republican resistance to the implementation of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), the Democratic Party's signature 2010 law. By influencing how citizens experience the ACA, state-level implementation can affect the national-level political implications of the law. Methods: I examine three largely unstudied areas of marketplace implementation: navigator laws, transitional plan termination, and rating area configurations. For each policy area, I use linear probability models to investigate the determinants of state lawmakers bolstering or eroding marketplaces. Findings: In each case, Democrat-controlled states were more likely to bolster marketplaces than Republican-controlled states were, with decisions more polarized in those policy areas—navigator laws and transitional plan termination—and with greater potential for national-level feedback. For navigator laws, where Republican state lawmakers were most cross-pressured by national party interests and local interests, marketplace eroding policy was highly associated with strength of conservative networks. Conclusion: Crafters of federal legislation cannot expect state lawmakers to universally implement federal law to maximize the direct benefits to their constituents. Rather, we should expect state lawmakers to, in many instances, implement federal law in ways that benefit their parties.

US state votes mean Republican advantages

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Minimum Wage ◽  
Drug Policy ◽  
Environmental Regulations ◽  
National Level ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
State Level ◽  
State Governments ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Positive Results

Significance Control of state legislatures is vital to the process of electoral redistricting, triggered by the 2020 census, which will last for the next ten years. Several states also voted on questions of drug policy and the minimum wage; such changes often percolate to the national level. Impacts Democrats will find it difficult to unify their message given divisions between progressives and centrists. State-level politics will influence national politics, such as California de facto setting US emissions policy. Republican state governments will litigate Democratic federal measures, such as reintroducing environmental regulations. Democrats will try to deepen their engagement with state organisations, but positive results will take time.

scholarly journals Suspect Spheres, Not Enumerated Powers: A Guide for Leaving the Lamppost

2021 ◽  
pp. 1431
Author(s):  
Richard Primus ◽  
Roderick Hills Jr
Keyword(s):  
Affordable Care Act ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Legislation ◽  
Federal Law ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Current Century ◽  
Individual Mandate ◽  
Private Corporations ◽  
The Individual

Despite longstanding orthodoxy, the Constitution’s enumeration of congressional powers does virtually nothing to limit federal lawmaking. That’s not because of some bizarrely persistent judicial failure to read the Constitution correctly. It’s because the enumeration of congressional powers is not a well-designed technology for limiting federal legislation. Rather than trying to make the enumeration do work that it will not do, decisionmakers should find better ways of thinking about what lawmaking should be done locally rather than nationally. This Article suggests such a rubric, one that asks not whether Congress has permission to do a certain thing but whether a certain kind of lawmaking is more prone to pathology at the national or the state level. That inquiry could identify “suspect spheres”: areas of policymaking where federal law calls for more justification than elsewhere. Federal legislation within suspect spheres would not necessarily be subject to judicial invalidation, but the judgment that legislation falls within a suspect sphere could underwrite softer forms of judicial resistance to nationalization. We illustrate the suspect-spheres model with a principle of federalism we call the corporate nondelegation doctrine, by which federal delegations of power to private corporations are to be treated skeptically. Early on, that principle animated Madison’s opposition to the Bank of the United States and much of the Jacksonian approach to federalism. It later underwrote the Supreme Court’s decision in Schechter Poultry. In the current century, the idea that the corporate nondelegation doctrine defines a suspect sphere helps explain otherwise puzzling judicial behaviors in federalism cases, including the presumption against preemption and the resistance to the individual mandate of the Affordable Care Act. By illustrating the possibility of a suspect-sphere approach, we suggest a tool that might be useful at a time of destructively polarized national politics, when rubrics for allocating some polarizing issue spaces to state-level decisionmakers might help lower the national temperature.

Regulation on artificial intelligence is long way off

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Artificial Intelligence ◽  
State Level ◽  
Federal Law ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Technology Firms ◽  
National Initiatives ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Public Criticism

Subject AI regulation. Significance A series of international and national initiatives has been launched in recent months to address the wider economic, social and political implications of artificial intelligence (AI) systems. These moves could be the precursors of more substantive regulation of this technology over the longer term. Impacts The risks AI system pose to employment in industry and services will generate the most public criticism and calls for regulation. Technology firms will oppose regulation on the grounds that it would stifle innovation. US ‘big tech’ would lobby for a regulation-light federal law on AI technologies rather than a patchwork of state-level rules.

Economic governance: Does it make or break a dominant party equilibrium? The case of India

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-465
Author(s):  
Chanchal Kumar Sharma ◽  
Wilfried Swenden
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Analysis ◽  
Party System ◽  
National Level ◽  
State Level ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Economic Governance ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Stable Pattern ◽  
Incumbent Party ◽  
Party Dominance

Why do voters re-elect the same party for prolonged periods of time even when there are reasonable alternatives available? When and why do they stop doing so? Based on a quantitative analysis of elections between 1972 and 2014, we test the significance of ‘economic governance’ for the continuance and fall of one-party dominance. With data from India we show that, under a command economy paradigm, a national incumbent party sustains its dominance by playing politics of patronage, but in a marketized economy, state governments gain considerable scope in managing their economic affairs. This enables different state parties to create a stable pattern of support in states. As state-level effects cease to aggregate at the national level, the party system fragments. However, such an aggregation can re-emerge if a single party consistently delivers in the states which it governs.

scholarly journals Empirical Analyses of Associations between State Political Attitudes and Gains in Health Insurance Coverage after the Affordable Care Act (ACA)

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bisakha Sen ◽  
Reena Joseph
Keyword(s):  
Young Adults ◽  
Affordable Care Act ◽  
Insurance Coverage ◽  
Baseline Period ◽  
Behavioral Risk ◽  
Surveillance Systems ◽  
Medicaid Expansion ◽  
Probability Models ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
Linear Probability

AbstractObjectivesTo explore whether state-level political-sentiment is associated with gains in insurance post Affordable Care Act (ACA). This is especially relevant given the lawsuit brought by several Republican-leaning states against the ACA, and the ruling of one Texas federal judge that the ACA is unconstitutional, which potentially jeopardizes ACA’s future.MethodsMultivariate linear-probability models are estimated using data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance Systems for 2011-2017. The outcome is self-reported insurance status. States are placed in quartiles based on votes for President Obama in 2008 and 2012 elections. Starting 2014, ACA health exchanges became active and several states expanded Medicaid, so 2014 onwards is considered as the ‘post-ACA’ period. Models are estimated for all adults under 65-years and for young adults under 35-years. All models control extensively for respondent socio-economic-demographic characteristics and state characteristics.ResultsIn the pre-ACA baseline period, respondents in states with higher Anti-Obama-voting (AOV) were less likely to have insurance. For example, residents in highest AOV-quartile states were 8.0-percentage-points less likely (p<0.001) to have insurance than those in the lowest AOV-quartile states. Post-ACA, fewer high AOV-quartile states expanded Medicaid, and overall insurance gains inclusive of Medicaid-expansion are similar across states. However, net of Medicaid-expansion, residents in higher AOV states saw higher insurance gains. For example, all adults had 2.8-percentage points higher likelihood (p<0.01) and young adults had 4.9-percentage point higher likelihood (p<0.01) of getting insurance in the highest AOV-quartile states compared to the lowest AOV quartile states. Minorities and those with chronic-conditions had larger insurance gains across the country post-ACA, but the extent of these gains did not differ by state AOV levels.ConclusionsState AOV and insurance gains from ACA appear to be incongruent. Policymakers and stakeholders should be aware that non-Medicaid residents of higher-AOV states might potentially lose the most if ACA is revoked.

The Affordable Care Act and cost-related medication non-compliance in cancer survivors.

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (15_suppl) ◽  
pp. 106-106
Author(s):  
Justin Barnes ◽  
Kimberly J. Johnson ◽  
Eric Adjei Boakye ◽  
Mark Alex Varvares ◽  
Nosayaba Osazuwa-Peters
Keyword(s):  
Cancer Survivors ◽  
Affordable Care Act ◽  
Low Income ◽  
High Income ◽  
Elderly Adults ◽  
Probability Models ◽  
Cancer History ◽  
The Affordable Care Act ◽  
Linear Probability ◽  
The Impact

106 Background: Cost-related medication non-compliance (CRN), which is associated with access-to-care barriers and poorer health outcomes, is more prevalent among cancer survivors than other adults. While CRN in survivors has been decreasing recently, evidence for a change driven by the Affordable Care Act (ACA) is limited. We aimed to quantify the impact of the ACA on CRN in non-elderly cancer survivors using population-based data and a quasi-experimental design. Methods: We utilized 2011-2017 National Health Interview Survey data. CRN was defined as not being able to afford medication or taking less than prescribed, skipping doses, or delaying prescription filling due to cost. Linear probability models applied to difference-in-difference analyses were used to compare CRN changes after the ACA in non-elderly ( < 65 years) cancer survivors relative to control groups expected to be impacted less by ACA provisions--non-elderly adults without a cancer history, elderly survivors, and non-elderly survivors with high income. Results: We identified 6,176 non-elderly and 8,508 elderly cancer survivors and 142,732 other non-elderly adults. Non-elderly cancer survivors had a 6.31 (95% CI = 3.47, 9.15; p < .001) percentage point (PP) decrease in CRN relative to non-elderly adults without a cancer history, particularly for those earning 125-249% of the federal poverty limit (FPL) (8.46 PP; 95% CI = 0.45, 16.46; p = .038) and < 125% FPL (11.8 PP; 95% CI = 4.51 to 19.1; p = .002). Relative to elderly survivors, CRN decreased 6.01 PP (95% CI = 3.12, 8.90; p < .001) in non-elderly survivors after the ACA, especially for individuals earning < 125% FPL (15.7 PP; 95% CI = 7.7, 23.7; p < .001). Relative to non-elderly survivors earning > 400% FPL, those earning < 125% FPL had an 8.36 PP (95% CI = 1.44, 15.3; p = .018) reduction in CRN. Conclusions: CRN decreased in non-elderly cancer survivors after the ACA relative to both elderly survivors and adults without a history of cancer. Furthermore, reductions in CRN were observed in low relative to high income survivors. Thus, the ACA is associated with decreasing CRN in cancer survivors, especially those with low income, and hence may improve health care access and affordability for this vulnerable population.

scholarly journals Labour market marginalisation in young refugees with and without common mental disorders

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
C De Montgomery ◽  
M Norredam ◽  
A Krasnik ◽  
J H Petersen ◽  
E Björkenstam ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Mental Disorders ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
Birth Cohort ◽  
Common Mental Disorders ◽  
National Level ◽  
Care Hospital ◽  
Integration Policy ◽  
Probability Models ◽  
Cohort Differences ◽  
Linear Probability

Abstract Background This study explored how inequality in labour market marginalisation (LMM) between refugees and their peers developed during early adulthood in Denmark and Sweden (DK/SE), and the role of common mental disorders (CMD) in these trends. Methods Using registry data, all refugees living in DK/SE in 2009-2012 who were born 1986-1993 and who immigrated as children (aged 0-17) were included (N = 13,390/45,687) and 1:5 matched on age, sex and municipality size to individuals born in DK/SE with at least one parent also born in DK/SE (N = 69,650/227,287). Information on psychiatric care (hospital and medicine) during 2009-2011 indicated CMD, while LMM was measured during 2012-2015 using income-based indicators. Probabilities of LMM were standardized by multiplying the estimated parameters of linear probability models in SE (adjusted for age, sex, municipality size, age of arrival, origin country, and accompanying family) onto the mean of the covariates in DK. Results The risk of LMM was 2-2.5 times higher for refugees across ages 20-29 in DK/SE. The risk tended to decrease in SE but increased in DK for refugees. The increase was accentuated for youth with CMD. However, CMD did not explain the inequality between refugee and majority youth. The increase in DK was driven by birth-cohort differences, while the trend in SE was consistent across birth cohorts. Conclusions CMD did not capture the vulnerability that sets refugees apart from their peers. While immigration and integration policy differences between DK and SE increased, the integration outcomes diminished, suggesting the importance of factors other than national level policies. Key messages Young refugees in DK/SE were more at risk of labour market marginalization than their majority peers. Healthcare contact for common mental disorders raised levels, but did not reduce inequalities. Labour market marginalisation decreased with age in Sweden but increased for refugees in Denmark, driven by birth cohort difference.

scholarly journals CHAPTER: ROLE OF ALL INDIA UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (AIUDF) IN ASSAM.

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-362
Author(s):  
DR. Subhash Talukdar.
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Party System ◽  
National Level ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Coalition Politics ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Election Commission

Party system is the important factor in the working of representative form of Government.  India is a democratic state. In the democratic state, political parties are said to be the life – blood of democracies. Modern democracies are indirect in character. They can function with the help of political parties. In the absence of political parties democracy cannot deliver the goods. Well organized political parties constitute the best form of democracy. India has the largest democracy in the world. It introduced universal adult franchise as the basis of voting right in the country. Now the voting age has been lowered down to 18. Most of the Indian voters are not politically matured and they do not have the political education in the proper sense. Political parties in India are classified by the Election Commission of India. It was classified for the allocation of symbol. The Election Commission of India classified parties into three main heads: National parties, State parties and registered (unrecognized) parties. The Regional Political Parties are playing a very significant role in Indian political system, particularly in the post Congress era and in coalition politics. As far as the national level politics is concerned, the regional political parties play a ‘king maker’ role. Whereas, the politics at state level is concerned, the regional political parties have been playing an effective role for working of government machinery. The Assam has also not lagging behind this context. Although the state has produces some small political parties before 1985, but formation of the AGP, BPPF, BPF and the AIUDF playing a very significant role in the politics of Assam. The AGP and the AIUDF not only emerge as an alternative of the Congress party at the state politics but also could able to participate in the national politics. Following are the reasons for the growth of regional parties in Assam - 

Partisan Misalignment and the Counter-Partisan Response: How National Politics Conditions Majority-Party Policy Making in the American States

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Nicholas S. Miras ◽  
Stella M. Rouse
Keyword(s):  
State Policy ◽  
National Level ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
State Governments ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Majority Party ◽  
Opposing Party ◽  
Governing Institutions ◽  
National Control

Abstract When one political party gains control of American national governing institutions, it increases the prospects of enacting its policy agenda. Faced with this partisan misalignment, the authors expect state governments controlled by the national out-party to respond to the national partisan context with more state policy activism. The study examines changes in state policy liberalism from 1974 to 2019, and finds that both Republican- and Democratic-controlled states have pushed policy further in their preferred ideological directions when the opposing party has greater partisan control over the national policy agenda in Washington. It also identifies differences between the two parties. While the effect of Republican control modestly increases as Democrats gain power at the national level, Democratic-controlled states have shown dramatically larger shifts in policy liberalism during periods of Republican national control. This arrangement, however, appears to be a contemporary one, emerging in the more polarized political environment since the mid-1990s.

Building Climate Policy in the States

2019 ◽  
Vol 685 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Trachtman
Keyword(s):  
Carbon Emissions ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
National Level ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Policy Feedback ◽  
Climate Politics ◽  
Climate Policies

Large-scale carbon emissions reductions in the United States likely require national-level policy, but political and institutional constraints restrict the scope of policy that can be enacted in Washington. State governments, on the other hand, have demonstrated a remarkable willingness to enact climate policies, despite the global nature of the problem. Although it is limited in directly reducing carbon emissions, state policy has the potential to make the terrain of U.S. climate politics more fertile for future policy. I discuss mechanisms by which climate policies enacted at the state level can influence climate politics across the states and at the national level. Finally, I make policy and political strategy recommendations that take these multilevel policy feedback dynamics into account.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document