scholarly journals Right Moments

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-47
Author(s):  
Manu Samnotra

Abstract This essay uses the political writings of Hannah Arendt to explore the virtue of courage. Courage is regarded as a risk taken in the pursuit or defense of some normative end. But what does political courage look like when, as an outgrowth of neoliberal optimism, our sense of the present and the risks it poses to our cherished normative aims is itself dilated? The answer that this essay proposes is that we must think of courage in its relationship to kairos (timeliness). Using Arendt's writings on the pariah tradition, this essay suggests three vectors of timely courage. These are keeping pace with political events as they unfold; withdrawing from political life to care concretely for others; and finally, developing a sensibility for the new through artistic creations that give insights into our shared future.

2010 ◽  
Vol 112 (2) ◽  
pp. 556-575
Author(s):  
Gert Biesta

Background/Context In discussions about democratic education, there is a strong tendency to see the role of education as that of the preparation of children and young people for their future participation in democratic life. A major problem with this view is that it relies on the idea that the guarantee for democracy lies in the existence of a properly educated citizenry so that once all citizens have received their education, democracy will simply follow. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study The question that is explored in this article is whether it is possible to think of the relationship between education and democracy differently than in terms of preparation. This is important not only to be able to acknowledge the political nature of democratic education but also to be able to acknowledge the political “foundation” of democratic politics itself. Research Design The argumentation in the article is developed through a critical analysis and discussion of the work of Hannah Arendt, with a specific focus on her ideas about the relationship between education and politics and her views on the role of understanding in politics. Findings/Results Arendt's writings on the relationship between education and politics seem to be informed by a “developmentalistic” perspective in which it is maintained that the child is not yet ready for political life, so education has to be separated from politics and seen as a preparation for future participation in political life. Arendt's writings on politics and the role of understanding in political life point in a different direction. They articulate what it means to exist politically—that is, to exist together in plurality—and highlight that political existence is neither based on, nor can be guaranteed by, moral qualities such as tolerance and respect. Conclusions/Recommendations The main conclusion of the article is that democratic education should not be seen as the preparation of citizens for their future participation in political life. Rather, it should focus on creating opportunities for political existence inside and outside schools. Rather than thinking of democratic education as learning for political existence, it is argued that the focus of our educational endeavours should be on how we can learn from political existence.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 91-99
Author(s):  
К. М. Котеленець ◽  
І. І. Боровенська

The article deals with the public life of the occupied territory of the Lugansk region in printed mass media. This methodology of research, painted methods and methodology of the research of printed mass media, a sample is drawn up. The article presents some results of the content analysis of newspapers that were printed during the year in three settlements of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic, namely Lugansk, Stakhanov (Kadyivka) and Antratsyt. The papers of selected newspapers reflecting social processes in the occupied territory of the Luhansk region have been analyzed. It is the media that makes it possible to conclude that newspapers have an information content direction that the information they provide most often has a household or an economic nature, and that focus is on situational events. It is proved that a lot of publications are paid to the political life of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic. However, it has been found that the number of publications about Ukrainian or Russian authorities is almost the same. It was also discovered that, although there are newspapers and negative articles about Ukraine, it is still more often covered in a neutral context. As for publications on international political events, there are very few such publications, which suggests preserving political thought within the two countries and directly by the LNR. After analyzing publications in the print media of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic, the authors concluded that the political life of the occupied territory is most frequently covered. An interesting fact was the number of publications about Ukrainian or Russian authorities. They do not have much discrepancy. It was also discovered that, although there are newspapers and negative articles about Ukraine, it is still more often covered in a neutral context.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-87
Author(s):  
Igor Grebenkin

The article is devoted to the Russian army position in the political process during the revolution of 1917 in Russia. The war period army identity as a social phenomenon, the conditions of its transformation into country political life subject are discussed. The character and the causes of the social political climate of different military men categories on the eve of the revolution are determined. The role of military contingents, institutes, central military figures in the main political events of 1917, such as February and October revolutions, July political crisis, General L. G. Kornilov’s march-off is represented. The main regulatory acts of the new government concerning the army, such as Order 1 of Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies and “Declaration of a Soldier and Citizen Rights”, and their influence on the development of the inside situation in the army are considered. The special focus is on the main courses of the army life politization and the political military men’s activity, that are the work of army offices, military social organizations, volunteer campaigns in the front line and the back land. The stages and the particular characteristics of the political leaders and military command authority cooperation are specified.


2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 23-33
Author(s):  
Zoran Dimic

Following the new reading of Kant?s third critique, which was proposed by Hannah Arendt in her Lectures on Kant?s Political Philosophy, in this paper, the author deals with the function of art in the establishment, organization and profiling of political communities. The focus is primarily on the field of music. The analysis begins with ancient philosophers (Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle) and continues with the problems which relate to artistic shaping of citizens? lives in modern epoch (Rousseau, Kant, Schiller). The goal of the paper is to show that the philosophy of art and the philosophy of music, could be taken as a political philosophy, precisely because the analysis of these phenomena constantly convinces a close intertwining of politics and aesthetics, i.e. art and power, music and power. As a conclusion, we might say that a general aesthetic sense can be seen as a kind of human organ for public aesthetic gathering of citizens. Music, poetry, visual arts, etc., have become tools for the political shaping of citizens, i.e. the tools of their political life.


2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-145
Author(s):  
Sanja Bojanic

The book Phenomenology of Plurality: Hannah Arendt on Political Intersubjectivity is a contribution not only to the phenomenological tradition of thought and Hannah Arendt studies, but also political science and, most importantly, political philosophy. Sophie Loidolt advances an intervention that stands in contrast to contemporary phenomenological research which in certain times have had the tendency to perform depoliticized examination of the self and sociality, actually revealing the intention of Phenomenology of Plurality to articulate the numerous elements that comprise the methodological novelty with which Arendt changes the theory of the political.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-88
Author(s):  
E. S. Dabagyan

This article is a political portrait of an extraordinary personality, the President of Nicaragua Daniel Ortega, who has travelled a long and very thorny path of transformation from a frantic fighter against a dictatorial regime to a man who actually became the country’s president for life. The author presents the methods by which Ortega achieved power and thereby ensured his political longevity. The author pays special attention to the role of Rosario Murillo, the politician’s wife, whose importance is growing in the internal political life of the state. The article provides an overview of the political history of the country in recent decades, the author also presents the peculiarities of Ortega’s biography and professional development. The author examines the stages of the party struggle in Nicaragua and the role of Ortega in this process. The author analyzes in detail the opinions of various experts regarding political events that took place in Nicaragua. The author traces and analyzes the main trends in economic development of Nicaragua, including cooperation with the Russian Federation. The author notes the role of Nicaragua in assisting the Russian Federation on the international arena. The author emphasizes the diversity of the spheres in which cooperation and interaction of the two countries is carried out.


Res Publica ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 567-587
Author(s):  
Luc François

Theories concerning the origin, the growth and the efficacy of political elites mainly originated after the first world-war. They arose in circles and with people who resented the increasing democratisation of political life. They were above all meant as a legitimation of conservative ideas with regard to the exertion of politica! power. The years between 1830 and 1914 however can be considered as the incubation-period for these elite-theories. Some examples taken from the Belgian political literature shall illustrate this evolution.The liberal middle class got divided on the interpretation of the political events between 1789 and 1848. The doctrinarians wished to maintain the acquired results whereas the radicals chose for a further sharing ofpower with the lower social classes. The conservatives held the past as an example and in principle they wished a return to the situation that existed before 1789. The contrast between clericals and anticlericals and above all the relationship between church and state interfered with these theoretical conceptions. But neither conservatives nor liberals however had their doubts about the elite-principle.In the second half of the nineteenth century the social consequences of the industrial revolution were felt in such a radical way that the masses too claimed political power in order to improve their destiny.On the political scene the discussion especially crystallized on the demand for universal suffrage and the way of representation. Not only political publicists hut towards the end of the century particularly scientists too supplied a theoretical foundation for the relationship between the elite and the masses.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Rizca Yunike Putri

The reality of modern political life today affects the whole structure of people’s lives. One of the variables in interesting political dynamics is the existence of political actors as the driving force that makes political events more exciting and also interesting to discuss. This is what we know better as the dynamics of the elite and mass relations. For this reason, the purpose of this study is to look at the dynamics of political movements that show the reality of the interaction of elites and masses in villages that have their uniqueness, where usually the elite as the central power, both formal and informal, usually have an influence that is not rational but more traditional affection. By using the field observation method, it was found that cottage Darussalam had a strong dominance. In gontor village, the elite and the masses have a very strong influence. In terms of the elite, in gontor, which is 2/3 of the territory controlled by the modern Darussalam Islamic boarding school, formally and informally - the elite - are still connected and influencing one another.


2021 ◽  
pp. 51-67
Author(s):  
Sergio Quintero Martín ◽  

"At the beginning of 1955 Hannah Arendt began to inquire into the origins and causes of political life for the planning of a book, which never saw the light and which would have borne the title Einführung in die Politik (Introduction to Politics), she asked herself a question with resonance in the thought of Leibniz, Schelling and Heidegger: Why is there someone and not rather no one? With this question Arendt echoes a phenomenon that would run through the whole of her thought: the estrangement from the world (Weltentfremdung), which was widespread among philosophers as an endemic disease when analyzing the conditions of the world. For Arendt this phenomenon represents the first obstacle to overcome in order to understand the reality of politics. The actuality of the political phenomenon, paying special attention to the metaphor of the desert and how it breaks down the relationship between tyranny and the emptying of public space."


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 41-56
Author(s):  
Yurii PAVLOVYCH

The article analyzes the political life of the Republic of Belarus in the period from 1991 to 2004. The events related to the election campaign of A. Lukashenko, first elections in Belarus in 1994, and elections of 2001 are directly covered in the study. Clearly defined plans and methods of Lukashenko's policy. The article shows the most important stages of the Belarusian domestic policy. The first steps of the Belarusian politicians after the collapse of the USSR, the struggle for the presidency, the formation of democratic opposition to the Belarusian Communist Party, the preparation and signing of the Belovezha Accords 1991 are analyzed. The author studied the perception, in Ukraine, of the reasons, preconditions, and fact of the Belovezha Accords 1991, the appearance in great politics of A. Lukashenko. The visions of some Ukrainian researchers, who believe that the process of building an independent Belarus was initially successful and gradually implemented all the plans of the new leadership of the country, were traced. Assessments of socio-political processes in Belarus after the collapse of the USSR in Ukraine have been submitted. The reaction of the Ukrainian public to A. Lukashenko's victory on the presidential election 1994 and the attitude of experts on referendums of 1995, 1996, and 2004 are highlighted. These political events returned the country towards growing a dictatorial regime headed by the president, who almost completely controlled the state, economic and social areas of life in the country. After that, parliamentary and presidential election campaigns became a formality in order to preserve the form of democracy in Belarus. The view of the Belarusians on independence and the Soviet past is analyzed. The events in the Republic of Belarus were a clear example, they say, of how the system should be stabilized after the overlong political, economic and social crisis caused by the collapse of the Soviet system in the post-Soviet countries. The dictatorial policy and absolute control of Moscow formed a specific image of the Republic of Belarus in the European political arena. Keywords Republic of Belarus, A. Lukashenko, S. Shushkevich, Kuropaty, presidential election


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