scholarly journals The Phenomenon of Revolutionary Politicization and the State Communicative Rationality

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 87-93
Author(s):  
A. Zinov'ev

This work aims a theoretical analysis of the historical situation of social problems politicization in modern Russia, by referring to achievements of modern historical sociology of revolutions and interdisciplinary synthesis in the study of social movements. Turning to the achievements of the historical sociology of revolutions and social movements allows us to understand the politicization of social problems in modern Russia within a broader theoretical context. As well it allows us to understand politicization in modern Russia within the context of state crises as revolutionary politicization (which is a consequence of “revolutionary neurosis” phenomenon). Besides this turning helps theoretically explore the politicization of social problems in modern Russia as a communicative (ideological) crisis in relations between the state and society. This theoretical analysis bases on the qualitative methodology of modern social research in the study of political and social phenomena. The generalized method of this work is the comparative social hermeneutics of historical phenomena of revolutions and states, based on the political theory of J. Habermas. Author considers the politicization of socially significant topics as a constant dialogue between state and society. The communicative rationality of the state aims at understanding in dialogue. Transition from the USSR to the Russian Federation destroyed the Soviet ideological paradigm and a new ideological paradigm is being created, which affects the complexity of the dialogue between state and society. The author concludes that the phenomenon of revolutionary politicization in modern Russia (the abnormality of the dialogue between the state and society) is a consequence of the lack of communicative rationality at the state.

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-487 ◽  
Author(s):  
John S. Dryzek

Once universal adult citizenship rights have been secured in a society, democratization is mostly a matter of the more authentic political inclusion of different groups and categories, for which formal political equality can hide continued exclusion or oppression. It is important, however, to distinguish between inclusion in the state and inclusion in the polity more generally. Democratic theorists who advocate a strategy of progressive inclusion of as many groups as possible in the state fail to recognize that the conditions for authentic as opposed to symbolic inclusion are quite demanding. History shows that benign inclusion in the state is possible only when (a) a group's defining concern can be assimilated to an established or emerging state imperative, and (b) civil society is not unduly depleted by the group's entry into the state. Absent such conditions, oppositional civil society may be a better focus for democratization than is the state. A flourishing oppositional sphere, and therefore the conditions for democratization itself, may actually be facilitated by a passively exclusive state, the main contemporary form of which is corporatism. Benign inclusion in the state can sometimes occur, but any such move should also produce exclusions that both facilitate future democratization and guard against any reversal of democratic commitment in state and society. These considerations have substantial implications for the strategic choices of social movements.


2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 102-127
Author(s):  
Iveta Ķešāne

Drawing on Norbert Elias’s writing and sociology of emotion literature, this study proposes viewing neoliberalization as a “civilizing process,” which is enabled by politics of shaming. By tracing two streams of protests triggered by neoliberal transformations—by farmers and schoolteachers—in the 1990s and how they were handled by the ruling elite publicly in the mass media, this article finds that, in post-Soviet and neoliberal Latvia, in moments of tension between the state and society, rule occurred through a politics of shaming that utilized three instruments: the neoliberal ideology of a good citizen, essentializing language, and dividing language. This article contributes to the post-Soviet studies’ scholarship, the growing body of scholarship that explores relationships between neoliberalization and emotions, as well as social movements literature.


1998 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yael Navaro-Yashin

The categories of “state” and “civil society” have too often been used as oppositional terms in the social sciences and in public discourse. This article aims to problematize the concepts of “state” and “civil society” when perceived as separate and distinct entities in the discourses of social scientists as well as of members of contemporary social movements in Turkey. Rather than readily using state and society as analytical categories referring to essential domains of sociality, the purpose is to transform these very categories into objects of ethnographic study. There has been a proliferation of discourse on “the state” and “the civil society” in Turkey in the 1980s and 1990s. This article emerges out of an observation of the peculiar coalescence of social scientific and public usages of these terms in this period. It aims to radically relativize and to historically contextualize these terms through a close ethnographic study of the various political domains in which they have been discursively employed.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2013 (4) ◽  
pp. 151-160
Author(s):  
Oleh Agarkov

The article presents theoretical analysis of the “social advertising” notion and the main characteristics of social advertising. The results of a survey concerning the theme of the article are suggested. Empirically highlighted actual social problems that are to be covered in social advertising as a prevention tool of negative social phenomena in Ukrainian society are described.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 493-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Preethi Krishnan

How do social movements include or exclude intersectional grievances of individual participants? What do variations in framing within the movement tell us about including intersectional grievances? I address these questions by examining frames deployed by anganwadi (childcare) workers in India and their organized union’s documented demands. I utilize a systemic intersectional approach to examine two specific grievances—low wages and weakening of public provision of care—that lie at the intersection of gender, caste, class, and care work. Workers use intersectional frames to interpret grievances, as they experience intersectional inequalities of gender, caste, and class. Findings show that the union targets the state alone while workers target both state and society. As intersectional grievances are durable inequalities that traverse across the boundaries of state and society, social movement frames may need a broader prognosis that targets both state and society to include intersectional grievances.


Author(s):  
Rowland Atkinson

This chapter studies the position of the wealthy and their relationship to society at large. It specifically addresses the question of the relative invisibility of the rich, and a related problem — the issue of connecting the wealthy to the kinds of social problems that are so evident to those who live less-secluded lives. Social research has long observed and analysed those at the social bottom — endless studies of poverty, crime, segregation, and what some have seen as exotic portrayals of the excluded and marginal. From the 1960s onwards, this singular viewpoint generated increasing concerns that sociology and related disciplines were acting as a wing of the state and corporate funders who wished to understand, discipline, and contain problem groups and problem people.


Author(s):  
Victor Kuzmin ◽  
Mariia Kuzmina ◽  
Svitlana Borysiuk

In modern Ukrainian society there is a problem of professional training of students, which depends on the quality and features of methods of teaching professional disciplines. Also in recent years, the specialty of social work is gaining importance and almost no state can do without qualified social workers who not only provide assistance to various groups, but also participate in the development of regulations and legislation. Social work as a branch of social knowledge that is actively developing, covers both global social technologies and certain methods of working with specific types of social problems. The subject «Methods of social research» is based on modern methods of collecting and processing information and sociological data, which will undoubtedly help the sociologist and social worker in solving social problems. The purpose of the article is to identify and study the features of teaching the subject «Methods of Social Research», the material of which is necessary for future social workers in working with different groups and social problems. General scientific and sociological methods of cognition of social phenomena and processes were used, namely: logical-historical, structural-functionalist and comparative analysis − to study the peculiarities of teaching sociological disciplines; analysis and synthesis − to highlight the content of teaching methods; classifications − for typology of methods of teaching disciplines; structural-functional analysis − to clarify the structure of teaching. The following features of teaching the subject «Methods of social researches» can be revealed: studying of the modern SPSS program which is necessary for social workers during research work; the teacher uses different teaching methods depending on the level of knowledge of students and the complexity of the topic; teachers involve students in writing research papers, which are an integral part of training of future bachelors and masters; in addition to the material according to the curriculum, students also study general competencies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 613-620
Author(s):  
Igor N. Tyapin

The author of the article uses the works of L.A. Tikhomirov as the basis when examining the problem of criticism of the conditions of the state and society in monarchic Russia during the last decade of its existence from the part of the conservative figures who not only advocated the necessity to preserve the autocracy but also substantially contributed to the working out of the main principles of Russian social development. In particular, the “creative conservators” managed to accomplish the deep philosophic conceptualization of Russian history while trying to find the previously lost ideal of social organization. Tikhomirov’s relevant concepts of the mutual conditionality of Russian national consciousness underdevelopment and state degradation, as well as of the necessity to realize the model of the moral state of justice on the basis of the national idea, were not accepted by the bureaucratic system that resulted before long in the collapse of Russian monarchic state.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document