scholarly journals Possibilities of Applying the Chinese Social Credit System to Combat Terrorism

Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (6(69)) ◽  
pp. 183-196
Author(s):  
Dominika Dziwisz

2011 saw the start of the pilot phase of the Social Credit System. The societies of democratic states interpreted it as an extreme example of human rights violation. In turn, what is usually forgotten is that the SCS is not the first citizen assessment system, because similar systems have been successfully functioning since 1960s in democratic countries. Scientific analyses of SCS operations are usually limited to its negative consequences. There are fewer attempts by governments of democratic states to assess the use of elements of SCS and algorithmic data analysis, for example in order to increase the level of security of citizens. As a result, this article presents the research hypothesis that elements of the SCS may be successfully applied also in democratic states for the purpose of more effective combating of terrorism. With modern methods of analyzing Big Data sets, it is possible, for example, to accelerate recognition of terrorist networks, support identification of sources of radicalization in online communities and increase the effectiveness of anti-terrorist strategies in order to protect citizens against contemporary terrorist threats. For such a system to be as effective as possible, it should take over some assumptions of the SCS which are explained in this article: Firstly, it should be centralized and controlled by the state. Secondly, the information obtained and processed should be used solely for the purposes of the state security policy, i.e. in the scope smaller than in the case of China. Thirdly, the data should be obtained from multiple sources, public and private ones, in order to increase the accuracy of predictions. Fourthly, the violation of the principles of social coexistence might result in specific penalties, and compliance therewith – in rewards.

2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saif Shahin ◽  
Pei Zheng

India and China have launched enormous projects aimed at collecting vital personal information regarding their billion-plus populations and building the world’s biggest data sets in the process. However, both Aadhaar in India and the Social Credit System in China are controversial and raise a plethora of political and ethical concerns. The governments claim that participation in these projects is voluntary, even as they link vital services to citizens registering with these projects. In this study, we analyze how the news media in India and China—crucial data intermediaries that shape public perceptions on data and technological practices—framed these projects since their inception. Topic modeling suggests news coverage in both nations disregards the public interest and focuses largely on how businesses can benefit from them. The media, institutionally and ideologically linked with governments and corporations, show little concern with violations of privacy and mass surveillance that these projects could lead to. We argue that this renders citizens structurally incapable of making a meaningful “choice” about whether or not to participate in such projects. Implications for various stakeholders are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (10) ◽  
pp. 51-59
Author(s):  
S. Kononov ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of the problems of a social security modern discourse formation in the framework of a philosophical discussion of the transformation processes of the formation vector of the state security policy. The task of the article, according to the author, is to present the problem of security in conditions when it ceases to be understood, as a concept associated with the idea of preserving the integrity of a state or nation, and functions as a phenomenon with the broadest possible social parameters. Using the methodology of phenomenological, hermeneutic and comparative analysis, the new areas of security research, common difference of which is social and personal orientation are analyzed. The author pays attention to the features of the methodology of works reflecting the point of view of the modern state, works related to the development of a systematic approach to security, works based on an axiological approach and concludes that, despite the expansion of security interpretations, all these approaches retain a common ideological foundation. presupposing the need to preserve the leading role of the state in the field of social security, including the security of the individual and society and the state. All these approaches are based on the policy of responding to emerging threats to the Russian state and do not reflect the needs of a comprehensive strategic goal-setting covering the sphere of socio-economic development of the social system. This circumstance, according to the author, leads to the formation of a security strategy that exists only in the name of protecting the state and does not imply feedback between the state and the social institutions that the state is going to protect, which leads to the ineffectiveness of modern protection measures and the need to find new ways to justify the need for this protection, a new definition of its content and essence


Author(s):  
Roman Z. Rouvinsky ◽  
Tatiana Komarova

This article examines the normative legal framework and principles of functionality of the Social Credit System that is currently being implemented in the People's Republic of China. For the first time in legal science, the Social Credit System is viewed not as an organizational and regulatory technique that in one or another way is related to law, but rather as an independent legal institution relevant to the branch of administrative law. The application of formal-legal and comparative-legal methods allows describing the hierarchy of sources of the Chinese law pertaining to social credit mechanisms and procedures, as well as giving characteristics to major provisions of the corresponding normative acts. The peculiarities of legal regulation of the mechanisms and procedures that comprise the Social Credit System in PRC include the following aspects: sublegislative nature of such regulation, prevalence of joint lawmaking, focal role of normative legal acts of the Chinese government, declarative character and ambiguity of multiple legal provisions with regards to the Social Credit System. The author underline the specificity of interpretation of the normative legal acts of the People's Republic of China, usage by the lawmaking branches of moral categories in formulation of provisions for regulation of elaboration and implementation of the social credit mechanisms. The provisions of governmental and departmental normative legal acts pertaining to the Social Credit System are correlated with the provisions of the current Constitution of the People's Republic of China.


MaRBLe ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadja Aldendorff

In 2014, the State Council of the People’s Republic of China released a document that called for the construction of a nationwide Social Credit System (SCS) with the goal to encourage sincerity and punish insincerity. The system uses blacklists that citizens land on for various cases of misbehavior, ranging from failing to pay a fine to being caught Jaywalking. This research explains the design process behind the SCS and in particular why many Chinese citizens are embracing this form of surveillance. It focuses on three topics to answer this question: the historical roots underlying the system, the perceived lack of trust in Chinese society and the comparison with concepts from surveillance theories developed in the West. From the analysis, following conclusions could be drawn: Historically, the state has often acted as a promoter and enforcer of moral virtue. The SCS fits perfectly into this tradition. The most prominent reason for the positive Chinese reaction is the lack of institutions in China that promote trust between citizens and businesses. There is a severe trust deficit which the government had to find a solution for. Regarding surveillance theory, Foucault’s concept of ‘panopticism’ shows similarities with the SCS and underlines its effectiveness in changing and steering people’s behavior while Lyon’s notion of ‘social sorting’ is used to demonstrate the potential dangers of the Chinese system.


2020 ◽  
pp. 36-50
Author(s):  
Olga O. Bazina

Biometrics, as a field of science, analyzes the physical and behavioral characteristics of people in order to identify their personality. A huge amount of technology in the field of biometric data collection is developed by IT giants like Google, Facebook, or Alibaba. The European Union (EU) took an important step towards biometric data confidentiality by developing a unified law on the protection of personal data (General Data Protection Regulation, GDPR). The main goal of this action is to return control over personal data to European citizens and at the same time simplify the regulatory legal basis for companies. While European countries and organisations are introducing the GDPR into force, China since 2016 has launched a social credit system as a pilot project. The Social Credit Score (SCS) is based on collecting the maximum amount of data about citizens and assessing the reliability of residents based on their financial, social and online behavior. Only critical opinions can be read about the social credit system in European literature, although the opinions of persons being under this system – Chinese citizens – are quite positive. In this context, we should not forget about the big difference in the mentality of Asians and Europeans. The aim of this article is to compare EU law and the legislation of the People's Republic of China regarding the use and storage of biometric data. On the basis of statistical data and materials analysed, key conclusions will be formulated, that will allow to indicate differences in the positions of state institutions and the attitude of citizens to the issue of personal data protection in China and the European Union.


2021 ◽  
pp. 125-144
Author(s):  
Kieron O’Hara

This chapter describes the Beijing Paternal Internet. The ideal consists of respect for public values. The exemplar is China, whose Confucian heritage values hierarchy and social stability. China’s Communist Party asserts legitimacy via its claimed technocratic efficiency, and aims to restore China’s position as a regional and global superpower; it is playing more of a role in global Internet governance. Much of the Chinese Internet is run by private-sector giants like Alibaba, Tencent, and Baidu, but their activities have to align with government policy. The rule of law is weak, surveillance and censorship ubiquitous, and data-protection laws keep data about Chinese citizens available for government use. Citizens cooperate in monitoring, for example with the social credit system. The Belt and Road Initiative, a global technology infrastructure strategy, helps export Chinese ideas, including surveillance and security technology. Many governments other than China’s have paternal intentions for the Internet.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-387 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abigail Devereaux ◽  
Linan Peng

AbstractIn 2014, the State Council of the Chinese Communist Party announced the institution of a social credit system by 2020, a follow-up to a similar statement on the creation of a social credit system issued by the State Council in 2007. Social credit ratings of the type being developed by the State Council in partnership with Chinese companies go beyond existing financial credit ratings in an attempt to project less-tangible personal characteristics like trustworthiness, criminal tendencies, and group loyalty onto a single scale. The emergence of personal credit ratings is enabled by Big Data, automated decision-making processes, machine learning, and facial recognition technology. It is quite likely that various kinds of personal and social credit ratings shall become reality in the near future. We explore China's version of its social credit system so far, compare the welfare and epistemological qualities of an ecology of personal ratings emanating from polycentric sources versus a social credit rating, and discuss whether a social credit system in an ideologically driven state is less a tool to maximize social welfare through trustworthiness provision and more a method of preventing and punishing deviance from a set of party-held ideological values.


Subject Social mobility in China. Significance So far, the Communist Party leadership has only addressed the most extreme manifestations of inequality -- high-level corruption and rural poverty. It has not tackled a wide range of social, economic and institutional barriers to social mobility that affect hundreds of millions of people across the country. Impacts Members of China’s middle class are already approaching the limits of their upward mobility. The social credit system could evolve in a way that exacerbates the divide between the economically advantaged and disadvantaged. The campaign to eliminate absolute poverty will do little to address the problem of relative poverty in urban areas.


Author(s):  
Grace Li

This paper begins with a brief study on the development of the Chinese all-in-one app, WeChat, explaining how WeChat secured its popularity as the multi-functional ubiquitous mobile app in China. By using WeChat as an example, this paper further studies how the Social Credit System (SCS) in China was established out of collaboration between the Chinese government and eight entrusted private companies. This paper then analyses and evaluates the SCS from a socio-legal perspective, focusing on two key implications: the opaque algorithms and the potential abuse of power. The paper argues that the SCS needs to first gain trust from Chinese citizens. A starting point would be immediate action to standardise and reduce the opacity of the prototype. To enhance the longevity and effectiveness of the SCS, developing a legal framework to prohibit potential information misuse by the State and the entrusted companies is crucial: it needs to be put in place sooner rather than later. In constructing the much-needed legal framework, developing privacy laws is certainly a core step, but the framework needs more than just privacy laws. One crucial safeguard is the requirement for an independent tribunal or ombudsman to deal with credit-related complaints fairly and efficiently.  


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