scholarly journals Political Idea And Investments Safety

2011 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vaidotas Matutis

In this paper we discussing about the potential threats to the investments safety evaluation system, creating the model of the system analysis methods when a new political concept is raised in the country. Traditionally, as we already know that politic and economic are inextricably linked. We can easily assure in it using the historical overview of the political and economic interactions. So the question: how the investment safeties are depending from political environment when a new political concept is raised in the country? Become actual and important. The method assumptions suggested and discussed in this paper are made according to the summaries of public surveys and research results of sociologists, political scientists and psychologists of different countries. These summaries are made analyzing the survey and research results systematically and separately from the variety of their initial objectives. We construct the dimensional frame of references combining the time axes, government forms scale, ideology scale and call they Politological system of axis. It help to us show that if a new political concept is raised in the country, it will be supported and developed by the majority of society members only if its political-ideological essence is possible to show in the chosen politological frame of reference and the point are possible to mark in the area of the most typical structures of the statistical division of the society individuals’ approaches at the set point of time and the deviance of this concept is not forecast in the nearest future. The methods we are discussing provide the specialists with the opportunity to evaluate the possibilities of inside threats to the investments safety still in the political concept raising process and its political-ideological core. To summarize this discussion, we can make once more conclusion as following: the main threat to the investments safety after the new political concept raising is the prejudice of the social characters’ majority. Such graphic and many-sided reflection of the analyzed and summarized politological researches shows the perspective forecasts and assumptions of the formulated political and economical analytics.

Author(s):  
Salvatore Caserta

This introductory chapter presents the main theoretical and methodological issues of the book. In terms of theory, the chapter explains that the book relies on the concept of de facto authority, according to which international courts become authoritative and powerful when their rulings are endorsed by relevant audiences in their practices. To complement this approach, the chapter explains that the book proposes five original analytical markers, which are central for analysing and explaining the social processes through which international courts, in general, and regional economic courts, in particular, gain or lose de facto authority. These are: (i) the nature of the political environment surrounding them; (ii) the timing of their institutional founding; (iii) the material and/or abstract interests of the agents interacting with them; (iv) the fundamental support of different social groups relating to them; and (v) the societal embeddedness in their operational context.


1992 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-62
Author(s):  
Deborah McWilliams Consalvo ◽  

This essay examines the political environment in Ireland during the nineteenth century and evaluates the impact of national patriotism upon the social landscape. In analyzing the changing topography of Victorian Ireland, religious ideology played a significant role in carving out the model of Irish culture at the close of the century. Thomas Moore's poetry reflects the cultural significance of both political and religious ideals by his use of imagery and language to unite these two social forces and represent them as thematic cooperatives essential to the identity and survival of Irish nationhood.


2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (06) ◽  
pp. 1762-1796
Author(s):  
MASHAL SAIF

AbstractThis article examines the Indian poet-philosopher Muhammad Iqbal's appropriation by three Nadwat al-‘Ulama scholars: Sayyid Sulayman Nadwi (d. 1953), Abu'l-Hasan ‘Ali Nadwi (d. 1999), and ‘Abd al-Salam Nadwi (d. 1956). It argues that the particular depictions of Iqbal by the Nadwa ‘ulama can be mapped onto larger evolutions within the institute. The early Nadwa ‘alim Sulayman Nadwi imagines Iqbal as a Muslim leader par excellence. A more conservative understanding of Islam emerged with the later Nadwa ‘ulama. They emphasize traditional theological ideas, particular modes of piety, and ritualistic actions. The article suggests that the later Nadwa ‘ulama’s writings on Iqbal are reflective of this particular understanding of Islam and morality, although there are two distinct responses to the poet. The above examination of the Nadwa is placed within its broader historical context. In so doing, the article contends that the impact of the political milieu in India must be taken into account to understand shifts in the Nadwa and South Asian Islam more broadly. It also asserts that the political environment in South Asia influenced Iqbal's reception by the Nadwa ‘ulama as well as by Muslims in South Asia and beyond. Additionally, this article argues that all three works by the Nadwa ‘ulama are subjective portrayals informed by the social imaginaries of their authors. In fact, in a broader sense, all works of narrative historiography are subjective accounts. This realization problematizes the boundaries between the categories of historiography and hagiography, and this research calls for a rethinking of these tensions.


HUMANIS ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
I Gede Prama Saputra ◽  
I Ketut Setiawan ◽  
Coleta Palupi Titasari

This study is concentrated on a group of inscriptions currently stored in Bale Agung Kintamani Temple. Therefore the problemsis consists of two questions, those are: how the linguistic aspects of the inscription and aspects of social institutions enclosed to the inscription. The are two phasesresearch method. Data collection is done through libraryresearch and observation to documentation result. The collected dataare analyzed through morphological analysis and qualitative analysis.The research results showed that the Kintamani E inscription contains several aspects of language such as the using of affixation are Perfix: (di-, sa-, a- or ma-, pa-, ka-, pari-, Infix: -um- , -in-, suffixes: -nya-, -aken, - ?n, konfiks: (pa - an), (ma - an), (ka - an), (ma - ak?n), (pa - nya), (saka-nya).The social orders involved the political aspect, economic aspect, religious aspect and social aspects contained in the inscription very possibly reflectedthe society at that time


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
Obediah Dodo

The study sought to understand the expectations of the people of Zimbabwe after the 2017 coup, especially in view of prevailing situation where the economy is down and the political environment is depressing. The study is motivated by the promises made and the hopes that subsequently developed in the minds of the masses during the period of the coup. The study anchors on good governance; a social contract between the people and the regime. The study is a product of a desk analysis conducted qualitatively. The study established that it may be too early to condemn the social contract though there are already signs of a failed delivery of the services as per the people's expectations. It is becoming apparent that like any other election manifesto, the messages by the coup sponsors might have been baits for the support of the masses in the power takeover project by the military.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-80

This article examines the interaction between the Soviet animation and the political environment during the Brezhnev era, particularly focusing on the life and work of animators at the studio “Soiuzmultfilm”. By tracing the animators’ family backgrounds, professional, and life experience, this study offers an insight into the particularities of evolution of Soviet animation and its socio-cultural context. As we will argue, the studio “Soiuzmultfilm” created a social substratum of cartoon animators, who through their work produced an alternative message to the official one. The cartoon directors, in search for novel and effective ways to express their inner world, in the early 1960s launched a period full of experiments, which became the “Golden age” of the Soviet animation. The avalanche of styles, genres, and artistic techniques contributed to the apparition of cinema d’auteur genre, which brought international recognition to the Soviet animation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Knapp ◽  
Joost Jongerden

The article engages with the question of self-governance and its implications for the concept of citizenship in Rojava. A short overview of the historical development of the political idea of democratic autonomy applied in Rojava is given, a model that claims to be on the way to creating a stateless model of radical democracy whose realisation involves forms of emancipation of the citizen, from a subject of a state to an active participant. The social contract and the structure of self-governance in Rojava is examined from this perspective, and the conclusion drawn that citizenship, which has been seized by the statist model, is currently being reclaimed by the people in Rojava through democratic autonomy. The process of change of citizenship is being effected through participative action and self-education as acts of citizenship and aims to separate the idea of government from the idea of the state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Amri Marzali

This article discusses an important political concept in Malaysia, that is the political supremacy of the Malays. The Malays supremacy was resulted from a social contract between the native Malays, on one part, and the Indian and Chinese immigrants, on the other part, during the negotiation concerning the independent of Persekutuan Tanah Melayu before 1957. It was said in the contract the native Malays slackened the prerequisites for the citizenship of the Persekutuan Tanah Melayu for the Chinese and Indian immigrants, while the Chinese and the Indian immigrants admitted a dominant position of the Malays in political administration. However, after the Persekutuan Tanah Melayu changed into Malaysia in 1963, the Chinese and the Indians begin to be disloyal to the social contract. They wanted equal right among all Malaysian citizens. By using archaeological dan ethnohistorical approaches, I will trace the origins of the concept of native supremacy in the Malay Nusantara sosiocultural context. Secondly, I will discuss the challenges facing the concept after Malay Land occupied by the British colonialist, particularly after the 1960es. The concept of “native sovereignity” is called beschikkingsrecht in Dutch language. It was invented by a Dutch expert of customary law, van Vollenhoven, in 1909 (ter Haar 1962). The concept of “native sovereignity” was originally aimed to remind the neighbour villagers or the foreigners when they passed on, or open a rice field, in a new area. They had to ask permission to the master of the land. Therefore, for the sake of harmonious social life, all ethnic groups in todays Malaysia, especially the new immigrants from different cultural background, it is suggested to learn and comprehend basic concepts in traditional native Malays customary law. Keywords: native Malays, ethnicity, native sovereignity, beschikkingsrecht, Will of the Malay Kings.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


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