The Social Worker in the Political Environment of a School System

Social Work ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 302-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura J. Lee
Author(s):  
Salvatore Caserta

This introductory chapter presents the main theoretical and methodological issues of the book. In terms of theory, the chapter explains that the book relies on the concept of de facto authority, according to which international courts become authoritative and powerful when their rulings are endorsed by relevant audiences in their practices. To complement this approach, the chapter explains that the book proposes five original analytical markers, which are central for analysing and explaining the social processes through which international courts, in general, and regional economic courts, in particular, gain or lose de facto authority. These are: (i) the nature of the political environment surrounding them; (ii) the timing of their institutional founding; (iii) the material and/or abstract interests of the agents interacting with them; (iv) the fundamental support of different social groups relating to them; and (v) the societal embeddedness in their operational context.


1992 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-62
Author(s):  
Deborah McWilliams Consalvo ◽  

This essay examines the political environment in Ireland during the nineteenth century and evaluates the impact of national patriotism upon the social landscape. In analyzing the changing topography of Victorian Ireland, religious ideology played a significant role in carving out the model of Irish culture at the close of the century. Thomas Moore's poetry reflects the cultural significance of both political and religious ideals by his use of imagery and language to unite these two social forces and represent them as thematic cooperatives essential to the identity and survival of Irish nationhood.


2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (06) ◽  
pp. 1762-1796
Author(s):  
MASHAL SAIF

AbstractThis article examines the Indian poet-philosopher Muhammad Iqbal's appropriation by three Nadwat al-‘Ulama scholars: Sayyid Sulayman Nadwi (d. 1953), Abu'l-Hasan ‘Ali Nadwi (d. 1999), and ‘Abd al-Salam Nadwi (d. 1956). It argues that the particular depictions of Iqbal by the Nadwa ‘ulama can be mapped onto larger evolutions within the institute. The early Nadwa ‘alim Sulayman Nadwi imagines Iqbal as a Muslim leader par excellence. A more conservative understanding of Islam emerged with the later Nadwa ‘ulama. They emphasize traditional theological ideas, particular modes of piety, and ritualistic actions. The article suggests that the later Nadwa ‘ulama’s writings on Iqbal are reflective of this particular understanding of Islam and morality, although there are two distinct responses to the poet. The above examination of the Nadwa is placed within its broader historical context. In so doing, the article contends that the impact of the political milieu in India must be taken into account to understand shifts in the Nadwa and South Asian Islam more broadly. It also asserts that the political environment in South Asia influenced Iqbal's reception by the Nadwa ‘ulama as well as by Muslims in South Asia and beyond. Additionally, this article argues that all three works by the Nadwa ‘ulama are subjective portrayals informed by the social imaginaries of their authors. In fact, in a broader sense, all works of narrative historiography are subjective accounts. This realization problematizes the boundaries between the categories of historiography and hagiography, and this research calls for a rethinking of these tensions.


1991 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 745-762 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham B. McBeath ◽  
Stephen A. Webb

In this article we argue that current reform proposals coming from Robert Pinker and others are challenging the universalist premises of generic social work. Pinker et al. argue that social work should, for the sake of efficiency and performance, be a connected set of specialist activities. This ‘determinate dispersal’ which we recognise as falling within the remit of postmodern strategies, we contrast with the far more libertarian ideas of the noted post-modern theorist J.F. Lyotard. Thus we site the political and cultural meanings of Pinker's ideas between generic social work which upholds ideas of universal ethical values and universal provision, and those of Lyotard whose anti-foundationalism proposes a radically heterogeneous society with no central value-structure. We express our concern that the ‘new specialist’ remit may allow too much power to the social worker. Thus we have considerable sympathy for Lyotard's call for a radical anonistics – a field wherein the inequalities of power between say, a worker and her client, to some extent can be redressed.


Author(s):  
Gerald Thomson

This article concerns the career of an early British Columbia teacher, Miss Josephine Dauphinee. She was the first teacher in the province to teach children labelled as feeble-minded in segregated special classes within the Vancouver school system. Dauphinee’s teaching career would be remarkable for that fact alone but the social and political motivation behind her special-class work was her life-long belief in eugenics. She saw herself as a progressive activist; by promoting the segregation of feeble-minded schoolchildren, she sought to advance the social logic of eugenics into the political realm. With the aid of local women’s groups, Dauphinee lobbied successfully for a sexual sterilization law and up until the last days of her teaching life followed an outmoded form of mental hygiene based on eugenic hereditarianism


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
Obediah Dodo

The study sought to understand the expectations of the people of Zimbabwe after the 2017 coup, especially in view of prevailing situation where the economy is down and the political environment is depressing. The study is motivated by the promises made and the hopes that subsequently developed in the minds of the masses during the period of the coup. The study anchors on good governance; a social contract between the people and the regime. The study is a product of a desk analysis conducted qualitatively. The study established that it may be too early to condemn the social contract though there are already signs of a failed delivery of the services as per the people's expectations. It is becoming apparent that like any other election manifesto, the messages by the coup sponsors might have been baits for the support of the masses in the power takeover project by the military.


1995 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 658-674 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meryl Aldridge

In November 1991, at Leicester Crown Court, Frank Beck was sentenced to five life terms and twenty-four years' imprisonment for sexual abuse during his work as a residential social worker. His activities resulted in four official reports. Given the scale of his wrong-doing, surely a torrent of sensational coverage would have been predicted at every stage of these events? Yet neither the trial nor the official reports received high profile press treatment. This relative silence about a major criminal episode with fundamental policy implications graphically illustrates the social construction of news. It is first described, and then analysed in terms of the daily practices, the political preoccupations, and the framing devices that constitute ‘news’ in UK national newspapers.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-80

This article examines the interaction between the Soviet animation and the political environment during the Brezhnev era, particularly focusing on the life and work of animators at the studio “Soiuzmultfilm”. By tracing the animators’ family backgrounds, professional, and life experience, this study offers an insight into the particularities of evolution of Soviet animation and its socio-cultural context. As we will argue, the studio “Soiuzmultfilm” created a social substratum of cartoon animators, who through their work produced an alternative message to the official one. The cartoon directors, in search for novel and effective ways to express their inner world, in the early 1960s launched a period full of experiments, which became the “Golden age” of the Soviet animation. The avalanche of styles, genres, and artistic techniques contributed to the apparition of cinema d’auteur genre, which brought international recognition to the Soviet animation.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vaidotas Matutis

In this paper we discussing about the potential threats to the investments safety evaluation system, creating the model of the system analysis methods when a new political concept is raised in the country. Traditionally, as we already know that politic and economic are inextricably linked. We can easily assure in it using the historical overview of the political and economic interactions. So the question: how the investment safeties are depending from political environment when a new political concept is raised in the country? Become actual and important. The method assumptions suggested and discussed in this paper are made according to the summaries of public surveys and research results of sociologists, political scientists and psychologists of different countries. These summaries are made analyzing the survey and research results systematically and separately from the variety of their initial objectives. We construct the dimensional frame of references combining the time axes, government forms scale, ideology scale and call they Politological system of axis. It help to us show that if a new political concept is raised in the country, it will be supported and developed by the majority of society members only if its political-ideological essence is possible to show in the chosen politological frame of reference and the point are possible to mark in the area of the most typical structures of the statistical division of the society individuals’ approaches at the set point of time and the deviance of this concept is not forecast in the nearest future. The methods we are discussing provide the specialists with the opportunity to evaluate the possibilities of inside threats to the investments safety still in the political concept raising process and its political-ideological core. To summarize this discussion, we can make once more conclusion as following: the main threat to the investments safety after the new political concept raising is the prejudice of the social characters’ majority. Such graphic and many-sided reflection of the analyzed and summarized politological researches shows the perspective forecasts and assumptions of the formulated political and economical analytics.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


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