God and Liberty?

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Kselman
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Freedom Of Conscience ◽  
State Repression ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Right ◽  
Order State ◽  
Reliable Basis

This chapter examines the religious choices of Félicité Lamennais, a key figure in the political and religious debates of the French Restoration. After flirting with the doctrines of Rousseau as an adolescent, Lamennais converted to ultramontane Catholicism, convinced that papal authority was the only reliable basis for social order. State repression of Catholicism in Poland, Belgium, Ireland, and France in 1830 led Lamennais to alter his views and embrace a marriage of “God and Liberty” in which Catholics would support the separation of church and state, and defend political and civil liberties, in particular the freedom of the press. Twice condemned by Pope Gregory XVI, Lamennais abandoned Catholicism and embraced the right of freedom of conscience that he had formerly condemned.

Book reviews: Darwin

1992 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-328
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
Natural Philosophy ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
Philosophy And Religion ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Right

Adrian Desmond & James Moore, Darwin . London: Michael Joseph, 1991. Pp. 808, £20.00. ISBN 0-3403-3 In Britain, as in much of Europe, the early and mid-19th century was a period of great social, political and intellectual turbulence. The industrial revolution was transforming the countryside, crowding the cities and disrupting the social order at all levels. The right to govern, long assumed by the duo of church and aristocracy, was being challenged. In 1848 Europe erupted in a cluster of radicalist revolutions and, though in Britain the threat of Chartism came to nothing, radical political thinking was taking root and would culminate, as the century progressed, in the ascendancy of Liberalism and the birth of the labour movement. In philosophy and religion, freedom of thought and discussion was rampant: questions once taboo as heresy were openly discussed (in 1880 Northampton was to elect an avowed atheist as its M.P.); utopian, evangelist and spiritualist groups abounded; developments in Natural Philosophy (which we now call science) were followed with enthusiasm, not only by naturalists, but by non-scientific intellectuals and (more surprising to us today) by the press and its now widely based readership.

scholarly journals The theme of relations between the artist and power in Sergey Maximov's dilogy Denis Bushuyev and Denis Bushuyev's Rebellion

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (7) ◽  
pp. 62-72
Author(s):  
Natalja J. Bukareva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Invariant Model ◽  
Creative Personality ◽  
Moral Choices ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

This article examines the unique solution to the problem of the relationship between the creative personality and the state in the dilogy of the émigré writer Sergei Maximov. The author believes that this question is axiological, as it is related to the moral choices of the artist.The relationship between the artist and the authorities is directly linked to the historical situation and the political regime. The novels show different characters through the dialogue between the authorities and the artist. The choice of heroes is largely due to the Stalinist era, which totally restricted the artist's freedom of personal expression. One variant of the characters' behaviour is toadapt to the regime, with the consequent loss of individuality, writing to social order, creating stereotyped socialist-realistic texts, participating in establishing the «Stalinist myth», but living comfortably in the material world and without state repression. Maksimov speaks about the degradation of the artistic level in socialist realistic works that follow an invariant model, which results in the unification of creative individuality. Another important issue to the novelist is the artist's ethical authority, the idea of the moral responsibility of the writer strengthening the position of the criminal regime through his works. Alternatively, one can choose to find freedom of expression, opposition to power, leading to the destruction of the artist by the system. What both choices have in common is that it is a relationship of initially unequal forces, so their dialogue is not constructive.

The Conservative Press and the Interwar Origins of First Amendment Lochnerism

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Sam Lebovic
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
New Deal ◽  
First Amendment ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Deep Roots ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Newspaper Industry ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of

In the 1930s and 1940s, the conservative newspaper industry argued that the First Amendment should shield them from New Deal economic regulations. This article uses these forgotten clashes about freedom of the press to provide a new history of the origins and trajectory of the anti-regulatory First Amendment. It shows that conservative newspaper attorneys were at the forefront of efforts to use civil liberties to protect their economic interests in the New Deal. But it argues that these efforts were only partially successful. The courts rejected these maximalist First Amendment claims, distinguishing between economic liberties and civil liberties. But maximalist claims were more successful in the political culture, where conservative newspapers helped legitimize a belief that a laissez-faire “marketplace of ideas“ was a liberal principle with deep roots in the past. The origins of First Amendment Lochnerism thus lie not in judicial precedent, but in contestation in the political culture. A clearer understanding of the dynamics of this long-running effort to deploy civil liberties claims for conservative purposes, the article concludes, will help us better navigate the contemporary crises of the First Amendment.

Whither India? 1919 and the Aftermath of the First World War

2019 ◽  
Vol 78 (2) ◽  
pp. 389-397
Author(s):  
Durba Ghosh
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Indian Subcontinent ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
The United States ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Press ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Activist ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

As diplomats across the world gathered in Paris in spring 1919 to discuss the peace process, observers asked “Whither India?” Critics wondered how the British government could enact emergency laws such as the Rowlatt Acts at the same time as it introduced the Government of India Act of 1919, which was intended to expand Indian involvement in governing the British dominions on the Indian subcontinent. Because Britain presented itself as a liberal form of empire on the international stage, its willingness to suspend rule of law over its subjects appeared contradictory. India's support of the Allied powers allowed Indian moderates to represent India in Paris; during the war, Indian subjects had contributed over one million soldiers and suffered influenza, plague, and famine. The possibility of a new relationship between those governing and those being governed led many Indians to demand an adherence to the rule of law, a guarantee of civil liberties, and the foundations of a government that was for and by the Indian people. In a time of revolution in Russia, and assassinations by anarchists in Italy and France, it seemed foolhardy to repress radicals by censoring the press, preventing the right of individuals to assemble, or detaining suspects before they had committed any crimes. Lala Lajpat Rai, an Indian political activist who had been part of the progressive wing of the Indian National Congress, wrote from the United States, “India is a part of the world and revolution is in the air all the world over. The effort to kill it by repression and suppression is futile, unwise, and stupid.”

scholarly journals El debate constitucional de 1931 en España sobre la libertad de conciencia: una discusión de las relaciones entre Iglesia y Estado = The 1931 Spanish constitutional debate on freedom of conscience: a discussion about the relations between Church and State

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 182
Author(s):  
Francisco J. Bellido
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Church And State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Freedom Of Conscience ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
Parliamentary Debate ◽  
Constituent Order ◽  
Political Vocabulary

Resumen: Este estudio analiza el debate parlamentario de 1931 en España, en el marco del debate sobre la nueva Constitución, en torno a la libertad de conciencia a través de las relaciones entre Iglesia y Estado que los distintos partidos políticos perfilan. Defiende que el debate sobre la libertad de conciencia es, sobre todo, un debate sobre el papel de estas dos instituciones en el nuevo orden constituyente. En la primera parte de este trabajo se recogen las intervenciones parlamentarias que configuran el debate constitucional sobre la libertad de conciencia durante septiembre de 1931. Junto a ellas se exponen algunos de los factores políticos que ayudan a entender el contexto del debate constitucional en esas fechas. En la segunda parte se introducen precisiones sobre el vocabulario político de los constituyentes, enfatizando la necesidad de prestar atención al uso de conceptos políticos comunes: secularización, autonomía, libertad y Estado. En la tercera parte se examinan, al hilo de las intervenciones parlamentarias del debate constitucional a lo largo de octubre de 1931, los argumentos aducidos por los diputados de las distintas formaciones y se recapitulan las razones que sostienen la hipótesis de trabajo.Palabras clave: Debate constitucional español de 1931, Constitución española de 1931, libertad de conciencia, Iglesia y Estado en España, vocabulario político de la Segunda República.Abstract: This study examines the Spanish parliamentary debate of 1931, in the framework of the debate on the new Constitution, about freedom of conscience through the relations between Church and State outlined by the different political parties. It defends that the debate on freedom of conscience deals mainly with the role of both institutions in the new constituent order. The first part of this article shows parliamentary sessions on freedom of conscience that took place in September 1931. In the second part some clarifications regarding the political vocabulary used by the constituents are introduced. It pays attention to the use of common political: secularisation, autonomy, liberty and State. In the third part the arguments held by the representative during October 1931 are examined. Finally, it summarises the arguments supporting the article’s hypothesis.Keywords: Spanish constitutional debate of 1931, Spanish Constitution of 1931, freedom of conscience, church and state in Spain, political vocabulary of the Spanish Second Republic. 

scholarly journals DEMOKRASI DELIBRATIF POLITIK PEKERJA PERS (Komunikasi Ruang Publik Pekerja Media Massa di Kedai Kopi Perjoeangan Jakarta)

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radita
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Ethical Code ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
News Values ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Press ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

Journalists as media actors must be able to objectively see the political situation by referring to the prevailing news values and ethical code. It is not known that journalists themselves also played behind government political chess. So in this case journalists also become part of the implementation of the acquisition of power by certain parties because of welfare factors that are not obtained by the press workers' groups and seek shortcuts. Through Kedai Kopi Perjoeangan Public Room, it is a place for press workers in Jakarta to form a political movement in demanding the welfare of workers for the mass media industry. But the movement is seen as a movement of the proletariat but on the one hand itself is identical with the struggle of the press workers' group in demanding the right of professionalism as a journalist.

Conclusion

2018 ◽  
pp. 201-207
Author(s):  
Roger Davidson
Keyword(s):  
Civil Liberties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Moral Standard ◽  
Legal Process ◽  
Sexual Offences ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Legal Procedures

The conclusion explores the implications of this volume for an understanding of the interplay between the law, sex and society in Scotland since 1900. An outstanding feature is the degree to which the legal process reflected and reinforced contemporary moral concerns that occupied public and professional debate. Secondly, rather than a monolithic, neutral dispenser of justice, in dealing with sexual offences the law involved the interaction of numerous individuals within the political, legal, and forensic communities with differing social and professional agendas. Furthermore, the law in practice is seen to sustain important norms of sexual behaviour and masculinity. While identifying areas of illicit sexual practice that reflected women’s agency, the volume reveals the degree to which the legal process continued to embrace a double moral standard. Another leitmotiv is the enduring struggle to balance the right of the law to intrude into the domain of private morality in the interests of public order, public decency and public health against the preservation of civil liberties. From a comparative perspective, conclusions are drawn with respect to the impact of the peculiarities of Scots Law and legal procedures on the policing, prosecution and punishment of offenders

Gerechtelijke nationale cultuur en haar blinde vlek: de mercuriales en gelegenheidsredes van Charles Faider als procureur-generaal bij het Hof van Cassatie (1871–1885)

2007 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
pp. 363-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bram Delbecke
Keyword(s):  
Civil Liberties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
National Tradition ◽  
The Press ◽  
Napoleon Iii ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
The 19Th Century

AbstractThis article sketches the attitude of the Belgian liberal magistrate and politician Charles Faider towards the constitutional civil liberties and freedoms. One can discover an interesting paradox by comparing his opening speeches and his acts as a politician. In the speeches he gave as procureur-général at the Cour de cassation, Faider consequently emphasised the beneficiary effects of the liberal 1831 Belgian Constitution. In his discourse, the Belgian magistrates were the best guards of the splendid future of the nation, because they fully understood the age-old national tradition of civil liberties. However, as a politician, he did not hesitate to limit the constitutional rights and liberties. Due to the political pressure of Napoleon III, he limited the freedom of the press by outlawing insulting foreign heads of state. The gap between his discourse and his practice is the perfect expression of an interesting paradox: in the 19th-century Belgian nation state, liberty and national identity profoundly influenced each other, but at the same time restricted their mutual possibilities, because the overall image of a free but responsable nation had to be maintained.

GARANCIJE ŽIVOTA U KRALjEVINI SRBA, HRVATA I SLOVENACA – ODJECI VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA U NjEGOVOM TRAJANjU I DANAS

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dragana Ćorić ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Death Penalty ◽  
The State ◽  
Freedom Of Religion ◽  
Freedom Of Conscience ◽  
Personal Freedom ◽  
The Press ◽  
New Community ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Right

The Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, adopted on June 28, 1921, established a certain framework of rights and freedoms of citizens in the new state, in a different way than it had been until then. The constitution did not recognize nobility, titles, "or any advantages by birth," except for the King and his family. It guaranteed personal freedom and freedom of religion - again within the limits allowed by law; freedom of conscience and the press, the right of association, assembly and agreement. He forbade greenery, abolished feudal relations, and on the day of liberation from foreign rule, the peons became, without compensation, the owners of the state land on which they had worked until then. This Constitution also provided for freedom from the death penalty and the principles of talion,except in cases of attacks on the King and members of the Royal House. The paper outlines the picture of life in the new community, as conceived by this constitution. The results of this constitution from the moment of its adoption to its repeal and onwards are analyzed. Since this constitution was the foundation of a new state and a new society, the analysis with previous acts is not possible, because there are no parameters of the same name for comparison. Therefore, this act can be considered only pro futuro, even after its repeal, because the echoes of this act still exist today.

Creating and Contesting the American State of Nature

2019 ◽  
pp. 159-217
Author(s):  
Mark Somos
Keyword(s):  
English Language ◽  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
The State ◽  
Rapid Expansion ◽  
Freedom Of Conscience ◽  
Natural Community ◽  
State Of Nature ◽  
The Press ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
The Right

Chapter 5 describes the contestation and consolidation of this trope, and the beginning of its transformation from a vindication of protest into the foundation of an American natural community. Illustrating the close relationship between English-language state of nature texts on both sides of the Atlantic, the chapter follows the rapid expansion of the state of nature discourse to constitutional issues such as the freedom of conscience and opinion, the freedom of speech and of the press, secession, the right to meaningful representation, and the relevance or irrelevance of rights guaranteed under competing versions of a semi-mythical ancient constitutionalism. The chapter carries previous analyses of rival loyalist and patriot interpretations of the state of nature on to these topics.

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