Political support

Author(s):  
Peter Knoepfel

No actor from a specific policy community is capable of controlling the relatively volatile but nonetheless necessary resource Political Support enjoyed by substantive policies. Hence, this chapter is structured differently from the other nine chapters dealing with the public action resources. Political Support consists of the primary legitimation (as opposed to the secondary legitimation delivered by the resource Consensus) by parliamentary bodies whose agendas cover hundreds of public policies which may be opposed. Thus, all three policy actor groups have a common interest in fighting this risk by means of common ‘external’ policy. This chapter illustrates the role of the resource Political Support and the modalities of its maintenance and use with examples from agricultural policy, energy policy and anti-money-laundering policy. It stresses the crucial role of third party winners and losers (actors positioned between the core policy actors and their environment), political parties and changes in the composition of the basic triangular structure of public policies. It demonstrates strategies deployed by each one of the three policy actor groups for recovering Political support.

Author(s):  
Pierre Pestieau ◽  
Mathieu Lefebvre

This chapter reviews the public health care systems as well as their challenges. It first shows how expenditure on health care has evolved in previous decades and deals with the reasons for the growth observed in almost every European country. It emphasizes the role of technological progress as a main explanatory factor of the increase in medical expenditure but also points to the challenges facing cost-containment policies. Especially, the main common features of health care systems in Europe, such as third-party payment, single provider approach and cost-based reimbursement are discussed. Finally the chapter shows that although inequalities in health exist in the population, health care systems are redistributive. Reforms are thus needed but the trade-off between budgetary efficiency and equity is difficult.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meghan Joy

This dissertation examines the claim that Age Friendly Cities (AFCs) represents an effective and revolutionary policy approach to population aging. The AFC approach is a placebased policy program intended to enhance the ‘fit’ between senior citizens and their environment. Mainstream accounts of AFCs claim that the program represents a paradigmatic shift in the way we think about aging, to move away from an individual health deficit approach to one that seeks to improve local environments by empowering seniors and local policy actors. However, initial critical literature notes that while AFCs may offer the potential to expand social and physical infrastructure investments to accommodate diverse population needs, they are being popularized in a conjuncture where the public sector is being restructured through narrow projects of neoliberalism that call for limiting public redistribution. This literature calls for further empirical studies to better understand the gap between AFC claims and practice. I heed this call through a qualitative case study of AFCs in the City of Toronto; a particularly relevant case because the recent Toronto Seniors Strategy has been critiqued for being more symbolic than substantive. My research represents a critical policy study as I understand AFCs not as a technical policy tool but as a political object attractive to conflicting progressive and neoliberal projects that use rhetorical and practical strategies to ensure their actualization. My approach is normative as I seek to provide insight for a transformative ‘right to the city’ for senior citizens through the AFC approach. I use literature on citizenship to understand the multiplicity of political projects that seek to expand or narrow the relations between people, environments and institutions through the AFC program. This understanding is based on the meanings 82 different policy actors from local government, the non-profit sector, academia, and other levels of government make of their everyday work in creating age-friendly environments. The broad question I ask is: How do local policy actors understand the rhetoric and practice of AFCs in Toronto and how do these understandings illustrate particular expansive and narrow political projects that affect the development of a right to the city for senior citizens through this policy program? I begin with an initial Case Chapter that scopes age friendly policy work in Toronto from a ‘seeing like a city’ perspective that identifies the complex multi-scalar and multi-actor nature of this policy domain. The Recognizing Seniors and Role of Place Chapters then examine AFCs rhetorically with respect to how local policy actors understand the ‘person’ and the ‘environment’. The Rescaling Redistribution and Restructuring Governance Chapters explore the practice of AFCs, including how local policy actors understand their capacities to design and deliver age-friendly services and amenities and the institutional mechanisms at their disposal to action AFCs. My findings challenge the claim that the AFC policy approach is effective, let alone revolutionary. I learn from policy actors that narrow projects of restructuring work to assemble seemingly progressive rhetoric and practice around active aging and localism to reduce universal public provision, expand the role of private citizens and their families to provide care, and use local policy actors as residual providers of last resort. My research documents how more expansive understandings of senior citizens as rights bearers and the role of the public and non-profit sector to recognize and redistribute on this basis are also in operation. Understanding these political projects more deeply through the AFC policy program helps me to offer policy insight as to what is needed both rhetorically and practically to craft a more effective and revolutionary alternative AFC model based on a right to the city for senior citizens.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanchayan Banerjee ◽  
Manu Savani ◽  
Ganga Shreedhar

This article reviews the literature on public support for ‘soft’ versus ‘hard’ policy instruments for behaviour change, and the factors that drive such preferences. Soft policies typically include ‘moral suasion’ and educational campaigns, and more recently behavioural public policy approaches like nudges. Hard policy instruments, such as laws and taxes, restrict choices and alter financial incentives. In contrast to the public support evidenced for hard policy instruments during COVID-19, prior academic literature pointed to support for softer policy instruments. We investigate and synthesise the evidence on when people prefer one type of policy instrument over another. Drawing on multi-disciplinary evidence, we identify perceived effectiveness, trust, personal experience and self-interest as important determinants of policy instrument preferences, along with broader factors including the choice and country context. We further identify various gaps in our understanding that informs and organise a future research agenda around three themes. Specifically, we propose new directions for research on what drives public support for hard versus soft behavioural public policies, highlighting the value of investigating the role of individual versus contextual factors (especially the role of behavioural biases); how preferences evolve over time; and whether and how preferences spillovers across different policy domains.


2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chloe N. Thurston

Scholarship on the U.S. public–private welfare state has pointed to the ways in which indirect, market-based channels of social policy provision often obscure the role of the government from many citizens who use these programs. This article argues that the same mechanisms that often depoliticize public–private policies for citizens who already benefit from them may actually politicize them for citizens who are unable to access those benefits. Focusing on the responses of black civil rights and veterans advocacy groups to the shortcomings of the Federal Housing Administration and the early GI Bill, it shows that public–private policies can draw advocacy groups, providers, and the state into conflicts over the terms of access. Despite facing very different challenges and bringing very different political capacities to bear, these two types of groups followed precisely the same processes of political mobilization and contestation in each case: First, they aggregated individual grievances into broader collective problems. Then, they traced those problems not to impersonal market mechanisms but to government policies and state authority. Finally, they pushed for reform across multiple venues to expand access for their members. By explicating these recurrent political dynamics, this article contributes to our understanding of policy feedback in the public–private welfare state and highlights the role of advocacy groups in helping to reshape the state's capacity to govern in a policy arena that is often characterized as dominated by third-party providers.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sorush Niknamian

The purpose of this study is to design a model to investigate the role of the Individuals making public policies in the implementation of the administrative system health policy. Two questionnaire has been used in the current study: One whose main aim was to investigate the actors making public policy with 51 questions and Cronbach Alpha 0.93, and the other one in the administrative system health policy with 74 questions and Cronbach Alpha 0.95. To be assured with regard to the validity of the questionnaires content and construct validities were estimated. The statistical population of the current study were 86643 employers of the executive organizations of the Khuzestan province, Iran. The final sample of the study was 382 individuals based on Cochran. Data analysis was done by using SPSS 22 and Amos 22. The results of the current study revealed that the factors making the public policy included 13 factors in which the most average was for mass media (7.64) and the least was the powerful elites with the mean of (5.64). The health administrative policies included 14 policies, all of them were at significant point except the policies of eleventh to thirteenth of the fifth book “Islamic Panel Code”, the law of banning more than on job, and the principles of prevention and fighting against bribe. The results also showed that there was a statistically significant relationship between the factors making public policy and those of administrative health policy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (04) ◽  
pp. C06
Author(s):  
Antonio Gomes da Costa

The profession of explainer is still pretty much undefined and underrated and the training of explainers is many times deemed to be a luxury. In the following pages we make the argument that three main factors contribute to this state of affairs and, at the same time, we try to show why the training of explainers should really be at the core of any science communication institution. These factors are: an erroneous perception of what a proper scientific training means for explainers; a lack of clear definition of the aptitudes and role of explainers required by institutions that are evolving and diversifying their missions; and an organizational model based on top-down practices of management and activity development which underappreciates the potential of the personnel working directly with the public.


2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 161-180
Author(s):  
Gerry McNamara ◽  
Joe O’Hara ◽  
Martin Brown ◽  
Irene Quinn

AbstractIn this paper, we provide an overview of the development of school inspection in Ireland over the past twenty years using the analytic and critical lens developed by Richard Boyle in partnership with the current authors. The paper is fundamentally a reflection on the nature, purpose and operation of evaluation in the Irish public sector through the lens of education. The paper provides a historical overview of developments in the linked areas of school evaluation and inspection, and goes on to explore how the implementation of this mode of quality assurance has influenced, and been influenced by, a wide range of policy actors. The argument made is that education has embedded a culture of evaluation in a unique yet systemically resonant manner and that a reflection on this reality will help illuminate our understanding of the role of evaluation across the public sector as a whole.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliana Bonacorsi de Palma

<span>Abstract: The role of the front-line public agents in the implementation of the public policies created by the first-tier is the subject addressed by the author. From the notion of street-level bureaucrats, it seeks to identify the difficulties encountered by such public agents in decision-making and the need for standards that provide for institutes and administrative dynamics that in fact lead to more efficient, impersonal and guaranteeing public action to protect the well-intentioned front-line public agent to fully exercise the discretion he needs in case-by-case action.</span>


2018 ◽  
pp. 128-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yannis Pierrakis

This chapter adds to the growing literature from recent years on innovation finance, innovation systems, and regional economic policy. Although the role of business has been seen as critical within the regional innovation system, the role of business financing intermediaries has received considerably less attention despite their recognised role as a central actor of the system. This chapter focuses on an innovation player that seems to have been neglected by scholars to date, namely the venture capital industry. It examines the role of public policies in promoting entrepreneurship through the UK government backed venture capital schemes. It investigates whether and how the public interventions have changed the availability of venture capital at the UK regional level. It also elaborates on the potential implications of the public sectors's domination in venture capital provision in several UK regions.


Author(s):  
Roniger Luis

This chapter provides a comprehensive analysis of the experiences and impact of returnees, expats, sojourners, and migrants on the public life, culture, and institutions of their respective societies. It argues that their role has been crucial in shaping major political, social, and cultural transformations. Particularly, the chapter analyzes the varied institutional imprint of many of these individuals, and how they impacted culture and public discourse. The core issues addressed are the role of cultural expressions and academic contributions to the reconstruction and democratization of culture; the contribution of exiled and returning intellectuals and academics to postdictatorial cultural and academic spheres; and the returnees’ contributions in reshaping institutions, particularly higher education. Underpinning these issues is the politics of memory and oblivion, addressed throughout this study, and the impact of human displacement on the reconstitution of ideas, values, and representation and, in turn, their social, political, and institutional consequences.


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