7 Muslim Politics in Indonesia’s Democratisation: The Religious Majority and the Rights of Minorities in the Post-New Order Era

Indonesia ◽  
2007 ◽  
pp. 115-137 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Mokhammad Yahya

<p>This paper discusses the relation between Islam and the State as experienced by Indonesian Muslims. Using the historical analysis it begins to delineate the struggle for political Islam in Indonesia with their diverse aspirations from the very beginning of Indonesia as a nation state until the collapse of Suharto regime. In terms of Islamic political struggle, this explains that there was a shift from legalistic-formalistic Islamic political articulation in the Old Order and the beginning of New Order Era into more substantiality pragmatic method. This eventually leads to the formation on the theorization of political Islam since there is no a single definitive theory of political Islam in the Islamic scholarship. Muslims in Indonesia have offered a brilliant concept Pancasila' as a solution in the multicultural situation like Indonesia. Pancasila was considered not only by the founding fathers of Indonesia but also by majority of Indonesian Muslims as an interpretation and contextualization of Islamic Politics in the pluralist society of Indonesia in order to create more harmonious and peaceful life.</p><p>Key Words: Islam, State, Muslim Politics</p>


Author(s):  
Okrisal Eka Putra ◽  
Mifedwil Jandra

This study describes the relationship between religion and social life with politics as one aspect. The issue is the imbalance that occurs when Muslims as majority in Indonesia is not the sole determinant of political life journey., Parti-Islam party representing the political aspirations of Muslims never be a winner in every election. At best, they can only act as a "disturbing" factor in the election of the president and vice president. The question is what happens to Muslims in Indonesia so that every democratic process as elections only be used by those who want to take power in this country. This research is qualitative descriptive. Data retrieved through documentation and interviews. Later, the data were analyzed with descriptive analysis. The unit of analysis in social institutions in this regard is the religious and political parties. Data search is through books, journals and writings of Islamic political thinkers. urthermore, interpretation of data and grouping of data is done in accordance with the type of problem and then analyzed through an explanation to determine the variables. This research can enrich 'the wealth of thought in politics and in the fight for the aspirations of Muslims in civic life as well as in the preparation of an appropriate strategy to no longer be deceived by their political opponents. Muslims understanding of strength, verses and hadith are always multi-interpretative power that spawned a variety of comprehension and crystallize into a solid group. Differences occur is difficult to put together in one political group. Primordial existence more prominent than thinking about the progress of Muslims in the life of state and society. Color portrait of Muslim politics, we look long dialectic between propaganda and politics of the New Order, which is a long fight between Muslims and the government's birth that cause antipathy to each policy. It's realizing the physical strain that produced casualties on both sides. Keywords: political relations, government, Muslims


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 267
Author(s):  
Ridho Al-Hamdi

This study examines the roles of political elites in the Muhammadiyah in facing<br />the dynamics Muslim politics in post New Order regime. There are three issues<br />discussed: the emergence of Islamic political parties, the desire to implement<br />the Jakarta charter as a state ideology, and the rise of terrorism. The result of<br />the study demonstrated that there are four variants of the political attitudes of<br />the elites in Muhammadiyah in post-New Order regime: 1) transformative-ideal-<br />istic; 2) moderate-idealistic, 3) realistic-critical, and 4) accommodative-prag-<br />matic. The variations are deeply influenced by two main factors: the sociological<br />background and organizational factor.<br />Penelitian ini menguji peran elit politik dalam Muhammadiyah dalam menghadapi<br />dinamika politik Muslim pada era  rezim pasca Orde Baru. Ada tiga isu yang<br />dibahas: munculnya partai-partai politik Islam, keinginan untuk melaksanakan<br />Piagam Jakarta sebagai ideologi negara, dan munculnya terorisme. Hasil penelitian<br />menunjukkan bahwa ada empat varian sikap politik para elite di Muhammadiyah<br />pada era  rezim pasca-Orde Baru: 1) transformatif-idealis; 2) moderat-idealis, 3) realistis-kritis, dan 4) akomodatif-pragmatis. Variasi ini  sangat dipengaruhi<br />oleh dua faktor utama, yaitu  latar belakang sosiologis dan faktor organisasi.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-424
Author(s):  
Jamaluddin Jamaluddin

Indonesian reformation era begins with the fall of President Suharto. Political transition and democratic transition impact in the religious life. Therefore, understandably, when the politic transition is not yet fully reflects the idealized conditions. In addition to the old paradigm that is still attached to the brain of policy makers, various policies to mirror the complexity of stuttering ruler to answer the challenges of religious life. This challenge cannot be separated from the hegemonic legacy of the past, including the politicization of SARA. Hegemony that took place during the New Order period, adversely affected the subsequent transition period. It seems among other things, with airings various conflicts nuances SARA previously muted, forced repressive. SARA issues arise as a result of the narrowing of the accommodation space of the nation state during the New Order regime. The New Order regime has reduced the definition of nation-states is only part of a group of people loyal to the government to deny the diversity of socio-cultural reality in it. To handle the inheritance, every regime in the reform era responds with a pattern and a different approach. It must be realized, that the post-reform era, Indonesia has had four changes of government. The leaders of every regime in the reform era have a different background and thus also have a vision that is different in treating the problem of racial intolerance, particularly against religious aspect. This treatment causes the accomplishment difference each different regimes of dealing with the diversity of race, religion and class that has become the hallmark of Indonesian society.


2010 ◽  
pp. 115-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Agibalov ◽  
A. Kokorin

Copenhagen summit results could be called a failure. This is the failure of UN climate change policy management, but definitely the first step to a new order as well. The article reviews main characteristics of climate policy paradigm shifts. Russian interests in climate change policy and main threats are analyzed. Successful development and implementation of energy savings and energy efficiency policy are necessary and would sufficiently help solving the global climate change problem.


ALQALAM ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 563
Author(s):  
Suhaimi Suhaimi

In line with the times demand, nationlism changes as a dynamic of dialectics proceeds with changes in social, political, and ekonomic in the country and global levels. Based on a review of historical chronology, this paper analyzed descriptively the relationship between Islam and nationalism in Indonesia. Since the early growth of nationalism and the Dutch colonization period in Indonesia, Islam became the spirit of sacrifice of lives and property of the Indonesian people's fighting to get independence and on the Japanese colonial period and the early days of independence, Islam through the muslim leaders founction as base of departure and developer awareness of nasionalism, patriotism and unity to defend the independence. Despite the authoritarian New Order ruler cope with Islam through the establishment of the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI), but awareness of national Muslim leaders to build Indonesia managed to push governance reforms. And in this era of reform, the spirit of nationalism and the spirit of sacrifice of the Indonesian leaders increasingly eroded by corruption. Key words: proto-nationalism, political nationalism, cultural nationalism.


2008 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
FELICIA HUGHES-FREELAND

This article explores how gender representations are deployed in anthropological analysis with reference to female performers (ledhek) in rural Java during the last decades of Suharto's New Order Indonesia (1966–1998). 1 It shows how the negative ascriptions given to ledheks were consistent with state promulgated gender ideologies in Indonesia, and explores the women's experiences in performances and everyday life. This different standpoint allows us to understand their dancing from the performers’ points of view, rather than from that of official state endorsed ideas of acceptable performance culture.


Author(s):  
Necati Polat

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.


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