Being an Entrepreneurial Artist

2021 ◽  
pp. 117-136
Author(s):  
Linda Essig

As in sports, business, and other sectors, the star artists, the top 1%, have disproportionately influenced the public expectations for what 'a successful artist' means. But it isn’t necessary to retell the stories of the 1% of arts entrepreneurs. This essay looks instead at the quotidian artist and, unlike the art historian, at what they do and why, not what they make.

2014 ◽  
Vol 2014 (1) ◽  
pp. 300295
Author(s):  
Doug Helton ◽  
Vicki Loe

NOAA's Office of Response and Restoration (OR&R) provides scientific expertise to support incident response and initiates natural resource damage assessment both in the U.S. and internationally. Although OR&R has responded to every major spill in the U.S. over the past 35 years, OR&R continues to face challenges in communicating realistic expectations of response outcomes, in having technical products interpreted correctly by the public, and communicating the degree of uncertainty surrounding such events. Unlike hurricanes, and because large spills are rare and generally man-made, the public expects rapid, complete, and accurate information on the fate and effects, even as the spill event is still unfolding and the response is on-going. An example of a product that is frequently confusing to the public is the OR&R trajectory map, the modeling tool used to predict the possible route of an oil spill. These maps are frequently misinterpreted as the footprint of the spill as opposed to where the oil might go. Another common misconception concerns how much oil can be recovered following a spill. Given the limitations of mechanical recovery, and the rapidity with which oil spreads, evaporates, and disperses at sea, it is impossible to recover all of the spilled oil. Furthermore, oil may be left in environmentally sensitive areas because the attempt to recover the oil could cause irreparable damage. As a result, mechanical recovery generally accounts for less than 5-20% of the overall oil budget, yet the public has an expectation that the goal of a response is to remove all of the oil from the environment. Public pressure, based on these expectations, may result is response decisions that cause more harm than good. This poster will detail a project that will give recommendations on how to manage public expectations on spill response and communicate technical information through the media and elsewhere. The goal of this project, which will be detailed on our poster, is to make OR&R a reliable and comprehensive source of information on ongoing or past spill events and close the disconnect caused by differing expectations.


Popular Music ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred Ritzel

Kurt Tucholsky wrote in 1923 in reference to an old ‘Fasching’ tune of that era that this song comprised the ‘most complete expression of the German “Volksseele” (“soul of people”) that one could imagine’ and that it ‘truly reveals the day and age we live in, how this age has evolved and how we ourselves come to terms with this age’ (Tucholsky 1975, p. 187). His argument can be compared to Kracauer's thesis on the effects of film (Kracauer 1979, p. 11). He suggested that the commercial character of mass cultural production was constantly affected by what was provided in a stream of feedback: only commodities which convincingly meet public expectations on either a latent or manifest level are successful with the public. If the masses are moved by a national rhythmic feeling, then the hits articulating that feeling can be seen as a kind of national expression. From this perspective, national and political identities are bound up in the daily emotional turbulence of the music industry.


Author(s):  
Gui-ju Zhu ◽  
Chen-guang Cai ◽  
Bin Pan ◽  
Pei Wang

AbstractFocusing on the characteristics of public participation and large group decision making of major livelihood projects, this paper proposes a multi-agent linguistic-style large group decision-making method with the consideration of public expectations. Firstly, based on the discrimination degree of evaluating information, the comprehensive weight of each attribute is calculated with the principle of maximum entropy. Secondly, the expert preference information for different alternatives is clustered and several aggregations are formed. Thirdly, the preference conflict level of experts' group for each alternative is calculated, and a conflict-oriented experts' aggregation weight optimization model is constructed to ensure the effectiveness of conflict resolution. Fourthly, the public group's satisfaction is determined with the expectation distribution of public’s and the expert group's preference, so as to obtain the sorting result of the decision alternatives. Finally, the effectiveness and applicability of the proposed method are verified by method comparison.


Author(s):  
David Churchill

This chapter reassesses the quality of police–public relations in the nineteenth century. In contrast to existing accounts, which focus on the gradual dilution of conflict as the century progressed, the chapter argues that conflict and suspicion remained central to public perceptions of the police. It highlights the evidential shortcomings of claims concerning the rise of policing by consent in this period, and uncovers substantial evidence of conflict with the police—from serious violence to indignant complaint—from across urban society. Furthermore, it examines the intellectual content of hostile attitudes towards the police, and thus identifies their roots in popular politics (particularly radical and Chartist politics) and popular culture. Ordinary people displayed considerable respect for the rule of law, yet the police were largely unable to associate themselves with this ideal. Instead, the police struggled to meet public demand for their services, and hence sought to manage public expectations of law enforcement.


Author(s):  
Derrick Bell

Having Read An Early Draft Of This Manuscript, longtime friend and Harvard University professor Frank Michelman asked: “Was there any way that they, as a Court acting subject to certain public expectations about the differences among courts, legislatures, and constitutional conventions, could have framed their intervention differ­ently from, and better than, the way they actually chose?” I think the answer is yes. Despite decades of efforts to reverse Plessy v. Ferguson and the NAACP lawyers’ well-researched legal arguments supported by reams of social science testimony, the Supreme Court might have determined to adhere to existing precedents. Suppose that, while expressing sympathy for the Negroes’ plight, the Court had decided that Plessy v. Ferguson was still the law of the land? Suppose, moreover, they understood then what is so much clearer now: namely, that the edifice of segregation was built not simply on a troubling judi­cial precedent, but on an unspoken covenant committing the nation to guaranteeing whites a superior status to blacks? On this understanding, could the Court have written a decision that disappointed the hopes of most civil rights lawyers and those they represented while opening up opportunities for effective schooling capable of turning constitutional defeat into a major educational victory? Again, I think the answer is yes. And I have imagined such an alternative. Today we uphold our six decades old decision in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896). We do so with some reluctance and in the face of the argu­ments by the petitioners that segregation in the public schools is unconstitutional and a manifestation of the desire for dominance whose depths and pervasiveness this Court can neither ignore nor easily divine. Giving full weight to these arguments, a decision overturning Plessy, while it might be viewed as a triumph by Negro petitioners and the class they represent, will be condemned by many whites. Their predictable outraged resistance could undermine and eventually negate even the most committed judicial enforcement efforts.


1992 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 99-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
David B. Danbom

AbstractThe publicly sponsored agricultural research system in the United States has always had to deal with the tension between public expectations and scientific practices and standards. The equilibrium it established between those two contradictory demands has been unraveling since the 1960s. The contemporary challenge to the system is to redefine its public and scientific roles in an environment of rapid scientific change and of public debate and disunity.


2010 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM GOULD

AbstractBuilding on recent work on the ‘everyday state’ and citizenship in 1947–1948, this paper examines changing practices and representations of ‘corruption’ in Uttar Pradesh, India over independence. The management and publicity of ‘corruption’, particularly in the food supply and rationing bureaucracy from the mid-1940s to the 1960s captures changing discussions about public expectations of government and narrates everyday urban experiences of the local state. Representations of administrative corruption within UP government ‘anti-corruption’ planning, around the late 1930s to early 1940s, reflected changing ideas about the public and citizenship in UP in general—from a colonial stress on administrative authoritarianism, where corruption was presented as a regrettable but unavoidable facet of local power, to a sense of public accountability. By the 1940s, with war-time commodity controls accompanying rapid political change, opportunities for nefarious gain widened, and administrative rules and functions quickly became much more complex. ‘Corruption’, as a symbolic political weapon, was publicized in a way which now connected national, state and local level discussions of independence, citizenship and state authority. Specifically, the very nature of different types of corruption in the crucial sphere of controls and rationing brought about more developed forms of political protection and backing for the corrupt administrator and encouraged new clientelist networks across the political spectrum.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 671-687 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Critchley ◽  
Dianne Nicol ◽  
Rebekah McWhirter

Understanding public priorities for biobanks is vital for maximising utility and efficiency of genetic research and maintaining respect for donors. This research directly assessed the relative importance the public place on different expectations of biobanks. Quantitative and qualitative results from a national sample of 800 Australians revealed that the majority attributed more importance to protecting privacy and ethical conduct than maximising new healthcare benefits, which was in turn viewed as more important than obtaining specific consent, benefit sharing, collaborating and sharing data. A latent class analysis identified two distinct classes displaying different patterns of expectations. One placed higher priority on behaviours that respect the donor ( n = 623), the other on accelerating science ( n = 278). Additional expectations derived from qualitative data included the need for biobanks to be transparent and to prioritise their research focus, educate the public and address commercialisation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 121-131
Author(s):  
Viktor Mironenko ◽  

The article is an attempt to analyze some results of the first year of President V. Zelensky’s tenure. The time elapsed since his election is not long enough to fully answer the question whether the new leadership has met the electorate expectations. The COVID-19 pandemic, the economic crisis, and political uncertainty in Europe and beyond are all contributing factors. It is already possible to compare what has been made with what has been promised and try to give an idea of what will be the future trajectory of almost thirty years of the «Ukrainian transit». This is determined by the internal logic of Ukraine’s evolution, internal situation, and strong external influences. All factors mentioned have a roughly equal impact. The first one pushes forward, the second and the third – prevent it. The brief analysis shows that the public expectations on the eve of the elections ‒ both presidential and parliamentary ‒ consisted of a comprehensive and in-depth overhaul of the entire system of public administration. The article reveals that the policy goals of the new State administration of Ukraine, proclaimed by V. Zelensky, were objective and justified. However, the probability of their achievement is very low provided that the regime of the Third Ukrainian Republic is maintained. It is outdated and it should be replaced. The author concludes that this is the main challenge Ukraine is facing and a new generation of Ukrainian politicians will have to find an adequate response.


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