scholarly journals TWITTER: Expressing Hate Speech Behind Tweeting

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Yudha Wirawanda ◽  
Tangguh Okta Wibowo
Keyword(s):  

This study explores on how Indonesian people use Twitter. Only one hundred and forty (in one tweet) characters are able to create unlimited tweets expressing an agenda, Twitter has a role as canalization of desire that their users cannot devote in offline world. This study will focus on the prosumption practice toward the use of Twitter behind tweeting to spread a variety of opinions, including hate speech, because the characters of cyberspace allow the formation of habitus toward virtual users that they can devote freely a certain emotion in cyberspace. This study critically analyzes the prosumption practices of creating hate speech behind tweeting. This study also discusses on how Twitter's characters are able to express hate speech by the users. The interaction of users to use Twitter in expressing hate speech has played a role on how the users construct the world.

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 112-130
Author(s):  
Eugenia Siapera ◽  
Paloma Viejo-Otero

This article is concerned with identifying the ideological and techno-material parameters that inform Facebook’s approach to racism and racist contents. The analysis aims to contribute to studies of digital racism by showing Facebook’s ideological position on racism and identifying its implications. To understand Facebook’s approach to racism, the article deconstructs its governance structures, locating racism as a sub-category of hate speech. The key findings show that Facebook adopts a post-racial, race-blind approach that does not consider history and material differences, while its main focus is on enforcement, data, and efficiency. In making sense of these findings, we argue that Facebook’s content governance turns hate speech from a question of ethics, politics, and justice into a technical and logistical problem. Secondly, it socializes users into developing behaviors/contents that adapt to race-blindness, leading to the circulation of a kind of flexible racism. Finally, it spreads this approach from Silicon Valley to the rest of the world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doli Witro

Democracy is a government of the people, by the people and for the people. The popularity of the democratic system is arguably at its peak. This is proven by the many uses of the democratic system in modern countries in the world. Indonesia as a country that runs a democratic system does not give authority to the authorities to monopolize votes in an election. Because security and freedom for every citizen, free to choose as a representation of the sovereignty of the people. But on the side that democracy often happens is seen as freedom so that there are some elements mixing elements in democracy that actually damage democracy itself. Call it when campaigning for a candidate to hate speech, insult, and berate other candidates so that damage the good name in the eyes of the community. As reported in Detik.com in 2016, the National Police stated that there were 2,018 cases of hate speech that occurred. Then it increased by 44.99% in 2017 to 3,325 cases. Furthermore, in 2018 reported in January 2019 there were 3,884 cases of hate speech that occurred. This proves that in campaigning the candidates cannot be said to campaign peacefully, fairly and competitively. Whereas Allah s.w.t. It has been said in Surah al-Hujurat verse 11. Based on the description above the writer is interested in discussing and studying more about the campaign in the Elections in Indonesia and campaigning peacefully perspective of Surah al-Hujurat verse 11. This is important to discuss given the rampant hate speech cases that conducted by candidates in campaigning. This study aims to contribute knowledge to the candidates so that in campaigning, they do not utter hate speech, insult, and berate other candidates.


Author(s):  
Mohammed Xolile Ntshangase

Feminism has been a good movement with the noble aim of freeing the world from the shackles of an evil superiority of men over women. The principal of feminism as a movement was political equality between men and women. In itself, it was a fair and just course such that it was inclusive of men as well, men were also part of the movement with no insults, threats, and hate speech. But in this technological era some impurities have also crept into it. From the third wave of feminism which is also known as GRRRL feminism which turned the offensive names into jokes and somehow normal to be pronounced in public, things became no longer about equality and respect of humanity. As feminism grew, it became less critical and became more sensitive towards emotions and uncritical amassment of followers. To some extent, being critical about feminism is unacceptable because someone becomes quickly accused of being patriarchal and antifeminism. Indeed, patriarchy is a negative and destructive idea perpetrated by those who were suffering from testosteron-epowersyndrome . But, when some thinkers like Valenti, Arndt, and Harrow have identified the syndrome and implemented some medication to it, others inject the other side with similarly fatal ideas. I call those ideas Oestrgoen-powersyndrome because they make their victims think that with collapse of patriarchy, men should be disgraced and be made to feel not existentially necessary. Symptoms of this syndrome start from no more knowing that hating the other sex is wrong and should not be promoted. Writers like Annapuranny and Jansen even perpetrate non progressive talks like “what’s wrong with hating men”, “the world would be better off without men” and many phrases of such destructive nature. But the issue which this paper seeks to address is that there is no philosopher who has critically tackled this matter. In fact, some African philosophers rather reject the whole feminism movement as non-African. Using analytical framework, this research ventures into critical analysis of this issue of feminist extremism coupled with the silence of African philosophers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-276
Author(s):  
Prashanth Bhat

Widespread dissemination of hate speech on corporate social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube has necessitated technological companies to moderate content on their platforms. At the receiving end of these content moderation efforts are supporters of right-wing populist parties, who have gained notoriety for harassing journalists, spreading disinformation, and vilifying liberal activists. In recent months, several prominent right-wing figures across the world were removed from social media - a phenomenon also known as ‘deplatforming’- for violating platform policies. Prominent among such right-wing groups are online supporters of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India, who have begun accusing corporate social media of pursuing a ‘liberal agenda’ and ‘curtailing free speech.’ In response to deplatforming, the BJP-led Government of India has aggressively promoted and embraced Koo, an indigenously developed social media platform. This commentary examines the implications of this alternative social platform for the online communicative environment in the Indian public sphere.


2019 ◽  
pp. 131-170
Author(s):  
Anu Bradford

Chapter 5 focuses on two areas of regulation that have been central to the EU’s efforts to regulate the digital economy: data protection and the regulation of hate speech online. The chapter first reviews the EU legislation governing data protection and explains the economic and political drivers behind it. It then discusses some examples of both the de facto and de jure Brussels Effect on data protection. Then, the focus turns to online hate speech, again reviewing the regulation, the underlying economic and political motivations, as well as examples of how the EU has drawn the line between acceptable and unacceptable speech in the internet era—not just in Europe but around the world.


Book 2 0 ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marina Warner

In the present climate of discouragement that threatens all of us who hold the Humanities dear, one of the worst threats, or so it seems, has been the dumbing down consequent on digital media and the rise of hate speech on digital platforms. I want to offer some countervailing reflections and hopes, and explore the activity and the potential of the World Wide Web as a forum for literature; in spite of the instinctive recoil and bristling horror I feel for social media as currently used, it is possible to consider and reframe the question of reading on the web. Doing so leads to the questions, what is literature and can literature be found beyond the printed book? It is my contention – perhaps my Candide-like hope – that the internet is spurring writers on to creating things with words that are not primarily aimed at silent readers but at an audience that is listening and viewing and feeling, and maybe also reading all at the same time, participating in word events channelled through electronic media.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Katarina Damcevic ◽  
Filip Rodik

The article analyzes nationalistically motivated online hate speech on selected right-wing public Facebook pages in Croatia. The rise of historical revisionism and populism paved the way for the growing presence of hate speech, with the most salient example being the resurfacing of the World War II fascist salute Za dom spremni (“Ready for the Homeland”) across different communicative situations. We account for the online dynamic of Za dom spremni as well as for the most frequent expressions of xenophobia that accompany the salute by presenting data gathered between 2012 – 2017 using Facebook Graph API. From the total of 4.5 million postings published by readers, those containing Za dom spremni and its variations were filtered and followed by the frequency and prevalence of the accompanying notions. By relying on cultural semiotics, we highlight the socio-communicative functions of hate speech on two levels. Firstly, the notion of the semiosphere helps us illustrate how hate speech is used to reproduce the idea of Croatianness as the dominant self-description. Secondly, we examine how the dominant self-description maintains the boundary between us and the other by merging diverse textual fragments and how their perseverance depends on the communicative situations they enter online.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062110593
Author(s):  
Mohammad Atari ◽  
Aida Mostafazadeh Davani ◽  
Drew Kogon ◽  
Brendan Kennedy ◽  
Nripsuta Ani Saxena ◽  
...  

Online radicalization is among the most vexing challenges the world faces today. Here, we demonstrate that homogeneity in moral concerns results in increased levels of radical intentions. In Study 1, we find that in Gab—a right-wing extremist network—the degree of moral convergence within a cluster predicts the number of hate-speech messages members post. In Study 2, we replicate this observation in another extremist network, Incels. In Studies 3 to 5 ( N = 1,431), we demonstrate that experimentally leading people to believe that others in their hypothetical or real group share their moral views increases their radical intentions as well as willingness to fight and die for the group. Our findings highlight the role of moral convergence in radicalization, emphasizing the need for diversity of moral worldviews within social networks.


Dialogia ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 141
Author(s):  
M. Fathurahman

Abstract: Nowadays, Indonesia has been being hit by religious problems that depart from the exclusivity of certain people's perspectives, namely the presence of social media in the case of hate speech and provocation. This phenomenon is very alarming due to the plurality of religion in Indonesia. In order to avoid this incident, some efforts are necessary to be done for reviving the actual function of religion to the entire community. The  steps are encompassin; identify the cause of the case, the method of dissemination, and find a solution. The significance of this paper is that we can learn from the wisdom of the Medina charter in the midst of ongoing social-religious problems. The aim is to prevent increasingly widespread intolerant cases in Indonesia and even the world. The method employed in this study was content analysis. The results showed that the concrete efforts is that delivering the contents of the Medina Charter intensively to all education in Indonesia, both formal and non-formal institutions. Hopefully, peace and harmony is intertwined among different religions.الملخص: في هذه الأواخر، تعاني إندونيسيا من مشاكل دينية تنفصل عن خصوصية وجهات نظر بعض الناس المقلقة للغاية، ألا وهي ملء وسائل الاتصال الاجتماعي في حالة خطاب الكراهية والاستفزاز. هذه الظاهرة خطيرة بالنسبة لإندونيسيا لأن حياتنا الدينية تعددية للغاية. لا يمكن تجاهل هذا الحال، لكن يجب بذل جهد لإحياء وظيفة الدين للمجتمع. الخطوة الأولى التي يجب القيام بها هي تحديد سبب القضية وطريقة نشرها وإيجاد حل لها. بناء من تلك المشكلة، يقدم الباحث حكمة ميثاق المدينة المنورة في خضم المشاكل الاجتماعية والدينية المستمرة. والهدف من ذلك هو منع حالات عدم التسامح المتزايدة الانتشار في إندونيسيا وحتى في العالم. الطريقة التي يقوم بها الباحث هي دراسة مكتبية باستخدام المصدر الأساسي ثم تحليله بتحليل المضمون. النتائج التي تم الحصول عليها هي الحاجة إلى بذل جهود ملموسة لتدريس محتويات ميثاق المدينة بشكل مكثف لجميع التعليم في إندونيسيا، سواء المؤسسات الرسمية وغير الرسمية، على أمل السلام والوئام مع بعضها البعض وبين الأديان.Abstrak: Akhir-akhir ini, Indonesia sedang dilanda problem agama yang berangkat dari eksklusifitas cara pandang kaum tertentu yang imbasnya cukup memprihatinkan, yakni penuhnya media sosial terkait kasus hate speech dan provokasi. Fenomena ini sangat membahayakan untuk Negara Indonesia mengingat kehidupan beragama kita sangat plural. Kejadian ini tidak dapat dibiarkan, akan tetapi harus ada upaya penyadaran kembali terkait fungsi agama yang sebenarnya kepada seluruh masyarakat. Langkah pertama yang harus dilakukan adalah mengidentifikasi penyebab kasus itu, metode penyebarannya, sekaligus mencari solusinya. Berangkat dari persoalan itu, makalah ini perlu penulis hadirkan agar kita bersama dapat belajar dari hikmah adanya piagam Madinah di tengah berlangsungnya problem sosial keagamaan. Tujuannya adalah untuk mencegah semakin meluasnya kasus intoleran di Indonesia bahkan dunia. Metode yang penulis lakukan adalah dengan kajian kepustakaan dengan cara mengambil dari sumber primer untuk kemudian dianalisa isinya. Hasil yang didapatkan adalah perlunya upaya konkrit yakni pengajaran tentang isi Piagam Madinah dengan cara intensif ke seluruh pendidikan di Indonesia, baik lembaga formal maupun non formal. Dengan harapan kedamaian dan kerukunan terjalin sesama dan antar agama.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael L. Miller ◽  
Cristian Vaccari

We introduce a special issue that collects eight articles, comprising research from twenty-three countries and four continents on the sources, impact on citizens, and possible remedies to various digital threats to democracy, ranging from disinformation to hate speech to state interference with online freedoms. We set these contributions against the backdrop of a profound change in how scholars think about the implications of digital media for democracy. From the utopianism that prevailed from the 1990s until the early 2010s, the post-2016 reckoning has led to a change in the kinds of questions scholars ask, with the focus gradually shifting to investigations of the threats, rather than the benefits, of the Internet. The eight contributions presented in this special issue employ a variety of disciplinary approaches and methods, often comparing different countries, to address some of the most pressing questions on how the Internet can hinder the feasibility and well-functioning of democracy around the world. We conclude by setting out three challenges for future research on digital media and politics: a growing but still partial understanding of the extent and impact of the main digital threats to democracy; the risk that the dominant approaches become overly pessimistic, or founded on weak normative grounds; and the risk that research overemphasizes direct and short-term implications of digital threats on individuals and specific groups at the expense of indirect and medium-term effects on collective norms and expectations of behavior.


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